CRAM intervention on the 15th session of the UNPFII

15th Session of UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, UN HQ, 9 – 20 May 2016  

Agenda 4: implementation of the Six mandates areas of UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues: Focus on Human Rights

Respected Chair, I am Jiten Yumnam, speaking on behalf of the Centre for Research and Advocacy, Manipur, an indigenous peoples’ human rights organization.

Manipur in India’s North East has for long been afflicted with an armed conflict premised on its indigenous peoples’ movement for self-determination to reject India’s forced merger of Manipur on 15 October 1949. The self-determination efforts of indigenous peoples of Manipur, are responded militarily with promulgation of emergency laws, such as the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA) that conferred extra ordinary powers to the armed forces of Government of India, including using force on mere suspicion and to arrest people without warrant.  Other notorious and draconian laws applied in Manipur against indigenous peoples, includes the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967, the National Security Act, 1980 etc, the Indian Penal Code etc. The AFSPA, 1958declared Manipur entirely as a disturbed state, allowing the full scale deployment and militarization of Indian Armed Forces in Indigenous peoples land and territory in Manipur, in pretext of subduing indigenous resistance groups for self-determination. The militarization processes has led to intense violation of Human rights, ranging from violation of Right to Life and facilitated Land grabbing to facilitating development onslaught in Manipur, reinforcing State’s efforts to undermine peoples’ right to self-determination.

For long under the AFSPA, 1958, Manipur reels outside the framework of protection guaranteed by the International Human Right Law. More than 1500 fully confirmed cases of Extra Judicial Executions has been documented in Manipur from 1980’s till 2012, as documented by the Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights in Manipur and the UN. The UN special mandate holders, namely, the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, Ms. Margaret Sekaggya and the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Mr. Christoff Heyns during their visits in India’s North East in 2011 and 2012, have called for repeal of AFSPA, 1958 and referred to it as a unlawful implementation and violation of International Law in Manipur.

One of the most direct impacts of militarization and subjugation of indigenous peoples’ self-determination movement in Manipur is on women and children. There are countless victims of sexual harassment committed by Indian security forces. The sexual harassment of Chanu Rose in Ukhrul District, the rape of Mercy Kabui of Lamdan Village by 112 Battalion Central Reserve Police Force on 19 July 2000, rape of Ms. Nandeibam Sanjit of Jiribam Uchanthol by personnel of 12th Granadier Rifles on 4 October 2003, which led to her suicide and the rape and murder of Miss Thangjam Manorama on 11 July 2004 by personnel of the 17th Assam Rifles are some of the infamous cases of rape cases in Manipur. The denial of justice, failure to prosecute and punish armed forces personnel involved in violations led to impunity.  Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, former Special Rapporteur, also recorded many individual complaints of rape committed by security forces in Manipur in her report of 27 January 2000. (E/CN.4/2000/68/Add.1, Paragraphs 49-66).

Armed and resource conflict: An increased alarming reality associated with the armed conflict situation in Manipur and which complicates the persisting armed conflict is the aggressive plunder of land and natural resources. The violation of right to self-determination of indigenous peoples in Manipur is lucid clear in the pattern of aggressive push of corporate led development and associated militarism.

A serious challenge with developmental processes in Manipur is the failure to recognize the right to self-determination and self-determined development of indigenous peoples over their land and resources.

The ongoing efforts to complete Mapithel dam by blocking the Thoubal River and filling up Mapithel dam reservoir and the proposed move to construct the 1500 MW Tipaimukh Multipurpose Hydroelectric Project, and signing of four MoUs on four mega dams on 28 August 2014, without the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous communities constitute a clear effort to undermine indigenous peoples self-determination over their land and resources. The Tipaimukh dam will submerge more than 27,000 hectares of forest land and will destroy livelihood sources of indigenous communities of Manipur. Again, theGovernment of India granted license to Jubilant Oil and Gas Private Limited, a Dutch company, for exploration and drilling works2 in two oil blocks in Manipur without peoples’ consent and without considering the larger implications on indigenous peoples’ way of life, livelihood, intergenerational survival etc.The North East India Hydrocarbon vision, 2030 has also been framed without indigenous peoples consent and will led to expropriation of peoples land and resources.

Indian paramilitary forces, operating under the AFSPA, 1958, to counter self-determination movements are also deployed and involved in introducing unsustainable projects that led to confiscation and destruction of agriculture land, forest and other resources of Manipur. Militarization is also associated with introduction of unsustainable development projects, as evident by the militarization of Mapithel Dam site, Loktak Project site, Khuga Dam etc. Indigenous Peoples and women’s call for protection of productive agricultural land for prolonged economic subsistence and for sustainable and people friendly development are also met with brute and violent repression of indigenous women[1].

Three people, including women were killed and 25 people were injured in December 2005, when a combined team of Indian paramilitary forces, the Border Security Forces and the Indian Reserve Battalion opened fired on villagers affected by the Khuga Dam, who were demanding just compensation, in Churachandpur District of Manipur. On 3 November 2008, more than forty people, mostly women affected by the Mapithel Dam, demanding their basic rights were brutality beaten and inhumanely tortured by the Indian Reserve Battalion and the Manipur Police. The injured were all women belonging to different communities of Manipur, the Meitei, the Nagas and the Kukis. Ms. Lungmila AS of Louphong Village, Ukhrul District, was seriously injured in firing of Tear Gas canister and continues to remain in dysfunctional mental state till today. Indeed the former UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples Rights, Mr. James Anaya expressed strong condemnation with the Mapithel dam construction and the militarization process in 2008. The Indian State continues to insist on militarization process to undermine indigenous peoples’ efforts for self-determination over their land and has disturbed the profound relationships of Indigenous peoples in Manipur with their lands and territories, both physically and spiritually.

Recommendations: I would like to urge the UN Permanent Forum to urge upon the Government of India to:

  • Recognize the self-determined rights of indigenous peoples of Manipur as outlined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2007.
  • Repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 and end all forms of militarization in Manipur.
  • Recognize indigenous peoples’ fundamental rights, especially “Right to Life & Justice remedy”.
  • Recognize indigenous peoples’ right to self-determined development with full recognition of their rights over their land and resources.
  • Enforce moratorium on all mega development projects which failed to take the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous communities of Manipur.
  • Repeal all policies and acts that foster privatization and corporatization of communities land such as the Manipur Hydro Policy, 2012, the Manipur Loktak Lake Protection Act, 2006 etc.
  • Stop Oil Exploration and Drilling by Jubilant Energy and other oil companies in Manipur
  • Stop construction of Mapithel dam.Decommission Ithai Barrage of the 105 MW Loktak HEP.Revoke the MoUs signed on 28 August, 2014 for construction of 60 MW Irang HEP project, 67 MW Khongnem-Chakha Hydro Electric Project, 190 MW Pabram Hydro Electric at Barak River and 51 MW Tuivai HEP projects in the Barak River basin.


CPA Intervention on the 15th session of UNPFII

UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Fifteenth Session

9-20 May 2016, New York

 Intervention on Agenda Item 4: Implementation of the six mandated areas of the Permanent Forum with reference to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

By: Sarah Dekdeken, CORDILLERA PEOPLES ALLIANCE (Philippines)

 Thank you Mister Chair for this opportunity to speak. Warm greetings everyone!

I represent the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, Philippines, which has consistently participated in the Permanent Forum since its First Session in 2002, recognizing theimportant role of the Forum in advancing indigenous peoples’ rights. The Forum has allowed us to raise the issues and concernsof the Igorots and other indigenous peoples of the Philippines.We have forwarded numerous recommendations to the Permanent Forum, in line with our struggle to defend our rights to land and resources that are being robbedby the State and foreign corporations.

However, we are deeply alarmed that after 14 sessions of the Permanent Forum, and nine years since the adoption of the UNDeclaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), the plight of indigenous peoples in the Philippines has turned from bad to worse. The Philippine government enacted the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act and established the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples(NCIP) supposedly to promote the rights and welfare of Philippine indigenous peoples. But these have been proven inutile in protecting our rights. In fact, the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples has served as an instrument in violating IP rights. And the UNDRIP and previous recommendations of the Permanent Forum have not been implemented at all.

Instead, the Philippine government continuesits reign of terror,committingcrimes against indigenous peoples, and outrightly violating our collective rights to our ancestral lands and plunder of our resources through destructive mining and energy projects. Its counter-insurgency programOplanBayanihan has resulted inthe militarization of our communities, extrajudicial killings,development aggression and other human rights violations committed with impunityagainst indigenous peoples.UnderPresident Benigno Aquino’s administration, at least one indigenous person is killed every month, with a total of more than90 victims from July 2010 to April 2016.

To cite a few recent cases:

  • In April 2016, the Vice Chairperson of the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, Mr. Xavier Akien,experienced death threatsthrough surveillance by armed men, which, in our experience, often leads to extrajudicial killing or enforced disappearance.
  • On April 1, 2016, in Kidapawan, Southern Philippines,the government brutally responded to thedemand for food aid by more than five thousand farmers andLumad indigenous peopleswith guns and bullets, leaving 2 farmers dead, more than 70 people wounded, and hundreds arrested.Indigenous peoples bear the brunt of climate change, while suffering the negative impacts of corporate mining, extractive industriesand government neglect of basic social services. In the past few months, El Nino has left hundreds of farmers’ families hungry, yet the Philippine government heartlessly denied them the basic human right to food.
  • In 2015, around five thousandLumad indigenous people in Mindanao fled their homes due to military operations, harassment and forced recruitment by paramilitary groups.
  • Indigenous schools run by non-government organizationscontinue to be attacked by State military forces and paramilitary groups,thereby depriving indigenous children and youth of the right to education.
  • Discrimination of indigenous peoples was again proven in the government’s denial of our participation to the Party List System in the recently concluded national elections.

These are just a few of the ethnocidal acts committed against indigenous peoples, which reflectthe worsening situationsimilarly experiencedby indigenous peoples around the world. We thus urge the Permanent Forum to take immediate and decisive steps to end the extrajudicial killing and indigenous peoples’ rights violations, and the State-driven misery faced by indigenous peoples in the Philippines.

We recommend:

  • That the Permanent Forum establish mechanisms to monitor and ensure the implementation of UNDRIP,and its recommendations at the country level.
  • That the Philippine Government take steps to respect and protectindigenous peoples’ rights to lands, resources, social and economic development, cultural integrity, education and health.
  • Thatoppressive laws, policies and programs thatdisplaceour communities, plunder our resources,destroy our environment,hinder our development,and violate our national sovereigntybe repealed/scrapped, such as the Philippine Mining Act of 1995, OplanBayanihan, Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, among others.
  • Thatthe Philippine Governmentbe urged to comply with its obligations under International Humanitarian Law, the UNDRIP, and other international human rights instruments to which the Philippine government is a signatory.


Thank you for your attention.

IPMSDL Statement: Respect Indigenous Peoples Rights! Justice for Berta! Justice for All!

*Spanish and French Translation follows by Google Translate/Traducción español y francés, seguido por Google Translate/Traduction de l’espagnol et le français suivi par Google Translate

Respect Indigenous Peoples Rights. Justice for Berta! Justice for All!

07 April 2016

Picket at the Honduras Consulate in Manila, Philippines

(Google Translate)


Warm greeting from the international Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self-Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL) – an international organization of indigenous peoples from the grassroots in various parts of the world. On behalf of its leadership and membership – we join in condemning and seeking justice for the murder of Berta Caceres and on the attempt on the life of his companion Gustavo on March 2; and the subsequent killing of their colleague, Nelson Garcia. Berta, Gustavo and Nelson are members of the National Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations in Honduras (COPINH).


The killing of Berta Caceres is not the first and definitely not the last among indigenous peoples and human rights defenders and environmental activists. It is not an isolated case. In fact, the killing of Berta mirrors the situation of indigenous peoples in Asia, Africa, the Pacific, and in North America and Europe.


According to Global Witness, a private institution that records violations of people’s rights – in 2014, at least 116 activists have been killed around the world – mostly in Brazil, followed by Colombia, the Philippines and Honduras. Most of the victims are indigenous peoples defending their ancestral lands against destructive projects in energy, and large-scale foreign mining.


The figures I just cited might even be higher as most cases of indigenous peoples rights violations escape public attention because they live in remote, poor, and hard-to-reach communities with limited access to communications and media; and most likely, the scant data for other countries is due to State repression on the media and other information outlets.


Why kill Berta Caceres?


Berta is an indigenous Lenca in Honduras, one of the leaders who led the protest against the construction of the Agua Zarca Dam – four dams to be built on the sacred river Gualgarque. With the consent of the government of Honduras, the said dam was to be built by a joint venture between the Chinese company Sinohydro, the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation, and the Honduran company Desarrollos ENERGETICOS or DESA.


Since 2006, the Lenca people opposed the construction of the dams because it shall disposses them of their ancestral lands, destroy their sources of water, food and traditional medicines, and livelihood. More importantly – they have not given their permission to build the dam on their land. There has not been even any consultation with them over the Agua Zarca Dams. In fact, the affected communities were surprised with the sudden arrival of large machines and other construction equipment construction in their communities. With the help of COPINH, they found out the construction of the dam. All these in violation of the rights of the Lenca people to their ancestral land and self-determination.


Like the Kalinga and Bontok who protested the construction of the Chico Dams in the Cordillera during the time of the US-Marcos Dictatorship, the people affected by the construction of the Jalaur Dam in Panay, the Kaliwa’t Kanan dams in Central Luzon – fight them Berta – combat the Lenca tribes in different ways. They conducted meetings with affected communities, set up barricades to prevent the entry of large machinery and equipment for the construction of the four dams. They also filed a case in the local court and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.


They partially succeeded in 2013 when the Sino Hydro and the World Bank withdrew from project. But DESA persisted in building the dam with the support of local large companies in Honduras.


As the fighting Lumad and indigenous peoples in other parts of the Philippines, Berta, Nelson and their other colleagues before experienced intimidation, threat, several attempts on their lives, several attempts of abduction and also faced trumped-up criminal cases like “usurpation, coercion and continued damages” because of their leadership in the fight against the dams. But they were not scared and continues to fight so the Goldman Environmental Foundation awarded Berta last year – the Goldman Environmental Prize – which paved the way for greater understanding and support in the struggle of the Lenca people against the Agua Zarca dams.


This why suspected agents of the government and its accomplices killed Berta!


Similarly, here in the Philippines, the government of Honduras turns the blame to Berta’s organization for her killing even though not a single evidence links their organization to the crime of murder of Berta.


All of these incidents are symptomatic of a systemic attack against indigenous peoples – ALL FOR PROFIT – by a collusion of the State and big corporations involved in energy projects, large-scale mining operations, logging, commercial and bio-fuel plantations, tourism and environmental ventures in the name of preservation and conservation. State-sanctioned violence and impunity intensify these destructions and continued operations; and further facilitates the acquisition of investors of indigenous lands that would otherwise not be for sale.


So, more intense violations of the rights of indigenous peoples around the world. 85% of the remaining biodiversity or natural resources of the world are found in the indigenous peoples lands. If the government of Honduras and the private company in the energy DESA thinks that by killing Berta Caceres shall stop the Lenca tribe in protesting the Agua Zarca Dams. They were wrong!


In the midst of growing poverty and violence, the unity and international solidarity of indigenous peoples and other exploited and oppressed peoples in the world broadens and strengthens – to prevent the plunder of big capitalists and seek justice for all victims of violence.


The IPMSDL calls on the government of Honduras to immediately bring to justice the killers and those behind the killing of Berta and Nelson, and stop the construction of the Agua Zarca Dams. We also call on the remaining investors to withdraw its support from the said dams, and for both to respect the rights of indigenous peoples to free, prior informed consent, ancestral lands and self-determination.


Berta Caceres Garcia and Nelson join the ranks of Indigenous Peoples Heroes around the world such as our very own Macliing Dulag, Ken Saro Wiwa of Ogoniland, Nigeria and our forebears who fought valiantly against colonization and occupation. They will inspire and motivate indigenous and non-indigenous peoples around the world to unite, fight and work for a better world.


Land not Bullets!

Long live the indigenous peoples struggle to defend ancestral lands and for self-determination.

Long Live International Solidarity.


Reference:        Beverly Longid

Global Coordinator




Respetar los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. Justicia para Berta! ¡Justicia para todos!

07 de abril de el año 2016

Piquete en el Consulado de Honduras en Manila, Filipinas

(Traducción Español por Google Translate)


Cálido saludo desde el Movimiento Internacional de Pueblos Indígenas para la libre determinación y Liberación (IPMSDL) – una organización internacional de los pueblos indígenas de las bases en diversas partes del mundo. En nombre de sus líderes y miembros – nos sumamos a la condena y la búsqueda de justicia por el asesinato de Berta Cáceres y en el atentado contra la vida de su compañero Gustavo el 2 de marzo; y el asesinato posterior de su colega, Nelson García. Berta, Gustavo y Nelson son miembros del Consejo Nacional de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de Honduras (COPINH).


La muerte de Berta Cáceres no es la primera, y sin duda no será la última entre los pueblos indígenas y defensores de derechos humanos y activistas ambientales. No es un caso aislado. De hecho, la muerte de Berta refleja la situación de los pueblos indígenas en Asia, África, el Pacífico y en América del Norte y Europa.


Según Global Witness, una institución privada que registra violaciónes de los derechos de las personas – en el año 2014, al menos 116 activistas han sido asesinados en todo el mundo – sobre todo en Brasil, seguido de Colombia, Filipinas y Honduras. La mayoría de las víctimas son indígenas que defienden sus tierras ancestrales contra los proyectos destructivos de la energía y la minería extranjera a gran escala.


Las cifras que acabo de citar, incluso podría ser mayor ya que la mayoría de los casos de los pueblos indígenas violaciónes de derechos escapar a la atención pública debido a que viven en comunidades remotas, pobres y de difícil alcance, con acceso limitado a las comunicaciones y los medios de comunicación; y lo más probable es que los escasos datos para otros países es debido a la represión de Estado sobre los medios de comunicación y otros medios de información.


Por qué matar a Berta Cáceres?


Berta es una indígena Lenca en Honduras, uno de los líderes que llevaron a la protesta contra la construcción de la presa de Agua Zarca – cuatro presas que se construirán en el río sagrado Gualcarque. Con el consentimiento del gobierno de Honduras, dicha presa debía ser construido por una empresa conjunta entre la empresa china Sinohydro, la Corporación Financiera Internacional del Banco Mundial, y la compañía hondureña Desarrollos Energéticos o DESA.


Desde 2006, el pueblo lenca se opusieron a la construcción de las presas, ya que se despojarlos de sus tierras ancestrales, destruir sus fuentes de agua, alimentos y medicinas tradicionales, y los medios de vida. Más importante aún – no han dado su permiso para construir la presa en su tierra. No ha habido aún ningún tipo de consulta con ellos sobre el Agua Zarca presas. De hecho, las comunidades afectadas se vieron sorprendidos por la repentina llegada de grandes máquinas y otros equipos de construcción de la construcción en sus comunidades. Con la ayuda de afrontamiento, se enteraron de la construcción de la presa. Todo esto en violación de los derechos del pueblo Lenca a sus tierras ancestrales y la autodeterminación.


Al igual que el Kalinga y Bontok que protestaron la construcción del Chico presas en la Cordillera durante la época de la Dictadura de EE.UU.-Marcos, las personas afectadas por la construcción de la presa de Jalaur en Panay, las presas Kaliwa’t Kanan en Luzón Central – lucha ellas Berta – combatir las tribus lencas de diferentes maneras. Se llevaron a cabo reuniones con las comunidades afectadas, levantaron barricadas para impedir la entrada de grandes máquinas y equipos para la construcción de las cuatro presas. También presentaron un caso en el tribunal local y la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos.


Ellos tuvieron éxito parcialmente en 2013 cuando el Sinohydro y el Banco Mundial se retiraron del proyecto. Pero DESA persistió en la construcción de la presa con el apoyo de grandes empresas locales en Honduras.


Como los que luchan los pueblos Lumad e indígenas en otras partes de Filipinas, Berta, Nelson y sus otros colegas antes de la intimidación experimentado, amenaza, varios atentados contra su vida, varios intentos de secuestro y casos criminales falsos también se enfrentaron como “usurpación, coacción y los daños continua “debido a su liderazgo en la lucha contra las presas. Pero ellos no tenían miedo y continúa luchando por lo que la Fundación Ambiental Goldman otorgó Berta año pasado – el Premio Ambiental Goldman – que allanó el camino para una mayor comprensión y apoyo en la lucha del pueblo Lenca contra la represa de Agua Zarca.


Es por esto que los presuntos agentes del gobierno y sus cómplices mataron Berta!


Del mismo modo, aquí en las Filipinas, el gobierno de Honduras se vuelve la culpa a la organización de Berta por su muerte a pesar de que ni una sola evidencia vincula a su organización para el delito de asesinato de Berta.


Todos estos incidentes son un síntoma de un ataque sistemático contra las poblaciones indígenas – TODO POR GANANCIAS – por una connivencia del Estado y de las grandes corporaciones que participan en proyectos de energía, operaciones de minería a gran escala, la tala, plantaciones comerciales y bio-combustible, el turismo y el medio ambiente empresas en nombre de la preservación y conservación. la violencia y la impunidad sancionada por el Estado intensifican estas destrucciones y continuidad de las operaciones; y facilita aún más la adquisición de los inversores de las tierras indígenas que de otro modo no estarían a la venta.


Por lo tanto, más intensos violaciónes de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas de todo el mundo. 85% de la biodiversidad restante o los recursos naturales del mundo se encuentran en las tierras de los pueblos indígenas. Si el gobierno de Honduras y la empresa privada en el DAES energía piensa que matando Berta Cáceres detendrá la tribu lenca en protesta por el Agua Zarca presas. ¡Ellos estaban equivocados!


En medio de la creciente pobreza y la violencia, la unidad y la solidaridad internacional de los pueblos indígenas y otros pueblos explotados y oprimidos en el mundo amplía y fortalece – para evitar el saqueo de los grandes capitalistas y buscar justicia para todas las víctimas de la violencia.


El IPMSDL pide al gobierno de Honduras señalar directamente a la justicia a los asesinos y quienes están detrás de la muerte de Berta y Nelson, y detener la construcción del Agua Zarca presas. Llamamos también a los demás inversores a retirar su apoyo de dichas presas, y por tanto a respetar los derechos de los pueblos indígenas al consentimiento libre, previo e informado, tierras ancestrales y la autodeterminación.


Berta Cáceres García y Nelson se unen a las filas de los Pueblos Indígenas Héroes de todo el mundo como nuestro propio Macliing Dulag, Ken Saro-Wiwa de Ogoniland, Nigeria y nuestros antepasados que lucharon valientemente contra la colonización y la ocupación. Ellos inspirar y motivar a los pueblos indígenas y no indígenas en todo el mundo a unirse, luchar y trabajar por un mundo mejor.


La tierra no balas!

Larga vida a los pueblos indígenas luchan para defender las tierras ancestrales y por la autodeterminación!


Viva la solidaridad internacional!


Referencia:       Beverly Longid

Coordinador Global




Respecter les droits des peuples autochtones. Justice pour Berta! Justice pour tous!

07 Avril 2016

Picket au consulat du Honduras à Manille, Philippines

(Traduction française par Google Translate)


Accueil chaleureux du Mouvement international des peuples autochtones pour l’autodétermination et la libération (IPMSDL) – une organisation internationale des peuples autochtones de la base dans diverses parties du monde. Au nom de ses dirigeants et de membres – nous nous associons à condamner et demander justice pour l’assassiner de Berta Caceres et sur la tentative de la vie de son compagnon Gustavo le 2 Mars; et le meurtre ultérieur de leur collègue, Nelson Garcia. Berta, Gustavo et Nelson sont membres du Conseil national des organisations populaires et indigènes du Honduras (COPINH).


Le meurtre de Berta Caceres est pas le premier et certainement pas le dernier parmi les peuples autochtones et les défenseurs des droits humains et des militants écologistes. Il est pas un cas isolé. En fait, le meurtre de Berta reflète la situation des peuples autochtones en Asie, en Afrique, dans le Pacifique, et en Amérique du Nord et en Europe.


Selon Global Witness, une institution privée qui enregistre les violations des droits de la personne – en 2014, au moins 116 militants ont été tués dans le monde – la plupart du temps au Brésil, suivi par la Colombie, les Philippines et le Honduras. La plupart des victimes sont des peuples autochtones qui défendent leurs terres ancestrales contre des projets destructeurs de l’énergie, et à grande échelle minière étrangère.


Les chiffres que je viens de citer pourraient même être plus élevé que la plupart des cas des peuples autochtones violations des droits de l’attention du public échappent parce qu’ils vivent dans des collectivités éloignées, pauvres, et difficiles à atteindre avec un accès limité aux communications et aux médias; et le plus probable, les rares données pour les autres pays est due à la répression de l’Etat sur les médias et autres canaux d’information.


Pourquoi tuer Berta Caceres?


Berta est un autochtone Lenca au Honduras, l’un des leaders qui ont mené la protestation contre la construction du barrage Agua Zarca – quatre barrages à construire sur le fleuve sacré Gualcarque. Avec le consentement du gouvernement du Honduras, ledit barrage devait être construit par une joint-venture entre la société chinoise Sinohydro, la Société financière internationale de la Banque mondiale, et la société hondurienne Desarrollos Energéticos ou DESA.


Depuis 2006, les lenca opposés à la construction des barrages, car il doit les déposséder de leurs terres ancestrales, de détruire leurs sources d’eau, la nourriture et les médicaments traditionnels, et des moyens de subsistance. Plus important encore – ils n’ont pas donné leur autorisation pour construire le barrage sur leurs terres. Il n’a pas été encore aucune consultation avec eux sur Agua Zarca Dams. En fait, les communautés affectées ont été surpris par l’arrivée soudaine de grandes machines et autres travaux de construction de matériel de construction dans leurs communautés. Avec l’aide de COPINH, ils ont découvert la construction du barrage. Tout cela en violation des droits du peuple Lenca à leurs terres ancestrales et l’autodétermination.


Comme le Kalinga et Bontok qui a protesté contre la construction du Chico barrages dans la Cordillère pendant le temps de la dictature US-Marcos, les personnes affectées par la construction du barrage de Jalaur dans Panay, les barrages Kaliwa’t Kanan à Luzon Central – lutte les Berta – lutter contre les tribus Lenca de différentes manières. Ils ont organisé des réunions avec les communautés affectées, ont érigé des barricades pour empêcher l’entrée des grandes machines et équipements pour la construction des quatre barrages. Ils ont également déposé une plainte devant le tribunal local et la Commission interaméricaine des droits de l’homme.


Ils partiellement réussi en 2013 lorsque la Sino Hydro et la Banque mondiale se sont retirés du projet. Mais DESA a persisté dans la construction du barrage avec le soutien de grandes entreprises locales au Honduras.


Comme les Mamanwa et indigènes de défense dans d’autres régions des Philippines, Berta, Nelson et leurs autres collègues avant d’intimidation expérimenté, menace, plusieurs tentatives sur leur vie, plusieurs tentatives d’enlèvement et aussi confrontés affaires pénales forgées de toutes comme «l’usurpation, la coercition et les dommages continue »en raison de leur leadership dans la lutte contre les barrages. Mais ils ne sont pas peur et continue de se battre pour la Fondation Goldman pour l’environnement décerné Berta an dernier – le Goldman Environmental Prize – qui a ouvert la voie à une meilleure compréhension et le soutien à la lutte du peuple Lenca contre le barrage Agua Zarca.


Ce pourquoi présumés agents du gouvernement et de ses complices tués Berta!


De même, ici, dans les Philippines, le gouvernement du Honduras met le blâme à l’organisation de Berta pour sa mise à mort, même si pas une seule preuve lie leur organisation pour le crime d’assassiner de Berta.


Tous ces incidents sont symptomatiques d’une crise systémique contre les peuples autochtones – TOUT POUR PROFIT – par une collusion de l’État et les grandes sociétés impliquées dans des projets d’énergie, l’exploitation minière à grande échelle, l’exploitation forestière, les plantations commerciales et bio-carburants, le tourisme et l’environnement entreprises au nom de la préservation et de conservation. la violence et l’impunité État sanctionnée intensifier ces destructions et la poursuite des opérations; et facilite en outre l’acquisition des investisseurs de terres indigènes qui autrement ne seraient pas à vendre.


Ainsi, les violations plus intenses des droits des peuples autochtones du monde entier. 85% de la biodiversité restante ou les ressources naturelles du monde se trouvent dans les terres des peuples autochtones. Si le gouvernement du Honduras et l’entreprise privée dans le DESA énergétique pense qu’en tuant Berta Caceres doit arrêter la tribu Lenca pour protester contre l’Agua Zarca Dams. Ils avaient tord!


Au milieu de la pauvreté croissante et la violence, l’unité et la solidarité internationale des peuples autochtones et d’autres peuples exploités et opprimés dans le monde élargit et renforce – pour empêcher le pillage des grands capitalistes et demander justice pour toutes les victimes de violence.


Le IPMSDL appelle le gouvernement du Honduras de mettre immédiatement en justice les assassins et ceux qui sont derrière le meurtre de Berta et Nelson, et d’arrêter la construction de l’Agua Zarca Dams. Nous appelons également les autres investisseurs de retirer son soutien à partir desdits barrages, et à la fois de respecter les droits des peuples autochtones au consentement libre, préalable, les terres ancestrales et l’autodétermination.


Berta Caceres Garcia et Nelson rejoignent les rangs des peuples autochtones Heroes dans le monde entier comme notre propre Macliing Dulag, Ken Saro Wiwa d’Ogoniland, Nigeria et nos ancêtres qui ont combattu vaillamment contre la colonisation et de l’occupation. Ils vont inspirer et motiver les peuples autochtones et non autochtones dans le monde entier pour unir, combattre et travailler pour un monde meilleur.


Terrain non Bullets!


Vive les peuples autochtones luttent pour défendre leurs terres ancestrales et pour l’autodétermination.


Vive la solidarité internationale.


Référence:        Beverly Longid

Coordinateur Global

IPMSDL                       IP Killings Berta Caceres_FRENCHIP Killings Berta Caceres_SPNIP Killings Berta Caceres_ENG


Statement of Solidarity to the victims of Brazil’s Mining Disaster

The International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self-Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL) stands in solidarity with the victims of the Bento Rodrigues iron ore tailings dam[i]that burst last 05 November 2015 in Brazil. The failure of the said dam released a large volume of toxic sludge that swallowed entire communities and poisoned the Doce River in the region of Minas Gerais; and has reached the Atlantic Ocean causing further damage.

Twelve people died, at least 11 are still missing and left more than 500 homeless since the sludge devastated nearby towns. The unprecedented scale of environmental and social damages caused by the mining tragedy compounded by years of severe drought has deprived local communities of the free-flowing waters of Rio Doce – a source of food and livelihood, and making agriculture and livestock impossible to sustain – all of which are conditions necessary for their survival.

As the casualties and destruction mount, we believe that the actions taken by the Brazilian government and the corporations responsible for the disaster – Vale, BHP Bilton, and SamarcoMineração S.A. are grossly insufficient and tantamount to criminal neglect. We further believe that they failed to prevent an otherwise avoidable calamity, including the lethal exposure of communities especially that of Indigenous Peoples, women and children to heavy metals and other toxic chemicals.  Thus, they should be fully accountable for the deaths, damages and destruction from this disaster.

An earlier statement by SamarcoMineração S.A. said that the materials present in the tailings contained only mud and sand and “does not present a danger to human health.” However, based on sample spots taken from the area, the 50 million-ton avalanche of toxic mud unleashed high levels of arsenic, manganese and other toxic metals a thousand times more than acceptable levels. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in a statement said that the residue “contained high levels of toxic heavy metals and other toxic chemicals”.

We call the government of Brazil, and BHP Billiton, Vale and Samarco companies, in the interim, should at least secure adequate supplies of water and food, evacuation centers, means of redress and rehabilitation for all victims of this tragedy of their creation. They should also address the needs and respect the rights of the affected including Indigenous Peoples.

We support the actions of the Krenak Indigenous Peoples to stop and prevent the transfer of iron ore from the mines in protest of the disaster that contaminated their waters and demand for the government and the companies to address substantially the issues of the disaster.

We stand with our brothers and sisters in demanding for the immediate stop and pullout of large-scale mining operations in the vast lands of Brazil especially in lands and territories of Indigenous Peoples that destroys communities and entire cultures in the name of profit.

The Brazil large-scale-mining-created disaster is not an isolated case. Over the years, similar catastrophic disasters occurred in different parts of the globe that also adversely affected Indigenous Peoples. In central BC Canada in 04 August 2014 with the rupture of the Imperial Metals-owned Mount Polley copper and gold mine tailings pond, and in the collapse of the tailings pond of Philex Mining Corporation in Benguet, Philippines from 01 August-13 September in 2012.

The issue of large-scale-mining and tailings ponds should be a worldwide issue and concern. We should be doubly alarmed as there are around 3,500 tailings ponds around the world[ii]operating under similar conditions with the above catastrophes.






Beverly L. Longid


*Photograph: Ricardo Moraes/Reuters-A rescue worker searches for victims at Bento Rodrigues district that was covered with mud after a dam owned by Vale SA and BHP Billiton Ltd burst on 8 November 2015. 


[i]The SamarcoMineração SA controls the tailings dam but BHP Billiton and Vale SA own it through a joint venture to hold the waste from the extraction of iron ore from their mining operations in the area.  The BHP Billiton is an Anglo-Australian multinational mining, metals and petroleum company headquartered in Melbourne, Australia and is the world’s largest mining company, and Vale SA., is the third-largest mining company in the world.


[ii] (Center for Science in Public Participation, LONG TERM RISKS OF TAILINGS DAM FAILURE, October, 2011)


Declaración de Solidaridad con las víctimas del desastre minero de Brasil

El Movimiento Internacional de los Pueblos Indígenas para la Autodeterminación y Liberación (IPMSDL) se solidariza con las víctimas del Bento Rodrigues relaves de mineral de hierro presa que irrumpieron el pasado 05 de noviembre 2015 en Brasil. El fracaso de la citada presa dio a conocer un gran volumen de lodos tóxicos que se tragó a comunidades enteras y envenenado el río Doce, en la región de Minas Gerais; y ha llegado el Océano Atlántico causando más daños.

Doce personas murieron, al menos 11 siguen desaparecidos y dejaron más de 500 personas sin hogar ya que el lodo arrasó pueblos cercanos. La magnitud sin precedentes de los daños ambientales y sociales provocados por la tragedia minera agravada por años de sequía severa ha privado a las comunidades locales de las aguas que fluyen libremente de Rio Doce – una fuente de alimentos y medios de vida, y hacer que la agricultura y la ganadería imposible sostener – todo de los cuales son condiciones necesarias para su supervivencia.

A medida que aumentan las bajas y la destrucción, creemos que las acciones tomadas por el gobierno brasileño y las empresas responsables de la catástrofe – Vale, BHP Bilton y SamarcoMineração SA son extremadamente insuficiente y equivale a la negligencia criminal. Además, creemos que no pudieron evitar una calamidad de otro modo evitable, incluyendo la exposición letal de las comunidades, especialmente la de los pueblos indígenas, las mujeres y los niños a los metales pesados y otras sustancias químicas tóxicas. Por lo tanto, deben ser plenamente responsables de las muertes, daños y destrucción de este desastre.

Una declaración anterior de SamarcoMineração SA dijo que los materiales presentes en los residuos contenían solamente el barro y la arena y “no presenta un peligro para la salud humana”. Sin embargo, en base a los puntos de muestra tomadas de la zona, la avalancha de 50 millones de toneladas de tóxicos barro desató altos niveles de arsénico, manganeso y otros metales tóxicos mil veces más que los niveles aceptables. La Oficina del Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos en un comunicado de la ONU dijo que el residuo “contenía altos niveles de metales pesados tóxicos y otros productos químicos tóxicos”.

Hacemos un llamado al gobierno de Brasil, y BHP Billiton, Vale y Samarco empresas, mientras tanto, al menos deberíamos asegurar un suministro adecuado de agua y alimentos, centros de evacuación, medios de reparación y rehabilitación de todas las víctimas de esta tragedia de su creación. También deben atender las necesidades y respetar los derechos de los afectados, incluyendo los Pueblos Indígenas.

Apoyamos las acciones de los Pueblos Indígenas Krenak para detener y prevenir la transferencia de mineral de hierro de las minas en protesta por el desastre que contamina sus aguas y la demanda de que el gobierno y las empresas para hacer frente a la veracidad de los temas de la catástrofe.

Estamos con nuestros hermanos y hermanas en la demanda para el cese inmediato y la retirada de las operaciones mineras a gran escala en las vastas tierras de Brasil, especialmente en las tierras y territorios de los pueblos indígenas que destruye comunidades y culturas enteras en nombre del beneficio.

El desastre a gran escala de minas creadas Brasil no es un caso aislado. Con los años, los desastres catastróficos similares ocurrieron en diferentes partes del mundo que también afectó negativamente a los pueblos indígenas. En el centro de BC Canadá en 04 de agosto 2014 con la ruptura del Monte Polley relaves de cobre y la mina de oro estanque propiedad de Metales Imperiales, y en el colapso de la balsa de residuos de Philex Mining Corporation en Benguet, Filipinas desde 1 ag hasta 13 sept en 2012 .

La cuestión de los estanques de gran escala de la minería y de relaves debe ser un tema y preocupación en todo el mundo. Debemos estar alarmados por partida doble, ya que hay alrededor de 3.500 estanques de relaves de todo el mundo que operan en condiciones similares con las catástrofes anteriores.






Beverly L. Longid




El SamarcoMineração SA controla la presa de relaves, pero BHP Billiton y Vale SA posee a través de una empresa conjunta para mantener los residuos de la extracción de mineral de hierro de sus operaciones mineras en la zona. El BHP Billiton es una empresa de minería, metales y petróleo multinacional anglo-australiana con sede en Melbourne, Australia, y es la compañía minera más grande del mundo, y Vale SA., Es la tercera mayor compañía minera del mundo.


[1] (Center for Science in Public Participation, LONG TERM RISKS OF TAILINGS DAM FAILURE, October, 2011)

2013 Declaration- WTO and Indigenous Peoples


The World Trade Organization (WTO) and Indigenous Peoples: Resisting Globalization, Asserting Self-Determination

We, the Indigenous Peoples of Mother Earth gathered here in Bali, Indonesia on 2-6 December 2013, organizing our own workshop and various events parallel to the World Trade Organization Ninth Ministerial Meeting (WTO MC9), hereby agreed to resist neoliberal globalization and assert our right to Self-Determination.
As Indigenous Peoples of the land and the waters, we have a close relationship to Mother Earth and nature. This relationship tells us that life on Mother Earth is in danger and coming to a time of great transformation. We are accepting the responsibility as the guardians of the earth, which has been designated by our respective Original Instructions woven into our cosmovisions, cultures, languages, and ways of life. We are telling the trade ministers of the world governments that we must all work together to create a new paradigm in global trade instruments and economic systems that fully recognizes the vital life-giving cycles, wellbeing and territorial integrity of Mother Earth.
We reaffirm our responsibilities to protect and defend our lands, water, territories, natural resources, culture and traditional knowledge, all of which are vital to the survival of all of humanity and for future generations. We will persevere in our struggle in reclaiming our inherent rights as Indigenous Peoples and for the well-being of Mother Earth. Until the right to self-determination of Indigenous Peoples and universal laws that recognize Mother Earth as a living being are observed and respected, genuine sustainable development will not be achieved.
We share a common history of colonization and globalization. For centuries, we experienced the colonisation of our lands, territories, air, ice, oceans and waters, mountains and forests. Colonialism institutionalized the oppression and exploitation of Indigenous Peoples up to the current era of globalization, exacerbated by the neoliberal impositions of multilateral trade agreements implemented over six decades through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), replaced by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. In its 9th Ministerial Conference, we believe that the WTO will only push for greater neoliberal policies on globalization, liberalization, privatization, deregulation, and denationalization that will consequently intensify the violation of our inherent rights as Indigenous Peoples and the multiple crises that humanity confronts today.

Thus, with our common problems, aspirations and struggles, we resolved to strengthen our unity as Indigenous Peoples and link our struggles with various democratic sectors and organizations worldwide until our right to self-determination and liberation is achieved.

The World Trade Organization and Violation of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights

The WTO is the primary instrument of neoliberal globalization to further economic globalization especially in international trade. It aims to build a unitary system of trade relations of countries around the world governed by various agreements. WTO’s catchphrases of “borderless world”, “leveling the playing field” and “free market democracies”, involves the removal of restrictions or so-called trade barriers that hinder greater corporate profit. While the WTO binds the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to implement the neoliberal policies on trade of goods and services, the few capitalist countries on the other hand, protect their economies from these “free market” policies.
Several WTO Ministerials, such as the Doha Development Round in 2001, collapsed due to continuing disagreements over subsidies on agricultural products, market access, and special safeguard mechanisms, and massive Peoples’ protests. In its 9th Ministerial Conference, the WTO will make decisions on any of the multilateral trade related agreements such as the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIMS), and General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and forge new multilateral agreements. The proposed agreement for the MC9 called the Bali Package will push for greater liberalization in agriculture, acceleration of LDCs in the WTO, and expedite trade facilitation through restructuring of GATT articles on imports-exports and trade costs. The Bali Package, along with post-Bali issues on International Technology Agreement (ITA) and Trade in Services Agreement (TISA), are labeled by developed countries as the solution to the stalled Doha Round to pursue intensified trade liberalization.
Indigenous Peoples, especially future generations, will be extremely affected by these decisions and agreements. For over 6 six decades now, since colonization, neoliberal policies have intensified the sufferings of the Indigenous Peoples. Our lands, territories and natural resources have been exploited by unsustainable development projects, such as mono-cultural chemically intensive plantations, extractive industries such as mining, oil drilling, hydro projects and other environmentally destructive “renewable” energy projects. Trade and investment liberalization have resulted in development aggression and plunder of our territories. We have been displaced from our Indigenous lands and territories. Our Indigenous knowledge, values and spirituality have been bastardized. And our rights to selfdetermination, to our own governance and own self-determined development have been violated. While defending our inherent and collective rights, we continue to suffer from militarization and State terrorism, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearance, assassination, arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, criminalization of community resistance, harassment and vilification as “terrorists.” All of this has happened for the sake of globalization, and is bound to worsen as the WTO imposes more agreements and policies.
Our experiences show that the removal of tariffs and quantitative restrictions on import goods has led to the influx of foreign products in domestic markets. The AoA has unleashed agricultural liberalisation and imposed the importation of agricultural crops even if locally produced. It has forced many developing countries to favor transnational agricultural companies like Monsanto and compelled impoverished Indigenous Peoples to use high yielding varieties (HYV) seeds without being informed of the negative effects. The AoA pushes for commercial agricultural production, replacing traditional plant varieties with genetically altered species marketed by agriculture companies, and chemical-laden foods.

The AoA eliminates the ability of Indigenous Peoples to produce culturally appropriate and sufficient food. Such trading system is detrimental to Indigenous Peoples’ food security, health and sustainability. It forces dependency to the capitalist market and weakens Indigenous Peoples’ ability to self-determined development and food sovereignty. The WTO demands reduction of subsidies on price support, while capitalist countries refuse to apply this in their own economies. This has damaged livelihoods resulting in bankruptcy of farmers including Indigenous Peoples, as they are unable to compete with subsidized and cheaper imports from abroad. States worsen this situation by failing to protect Indigenous Peoples’ sources of livelihood and food, land and resources.
Through our harmonious relations with nature as part of our spirituality, culture and beliefs, we maintain knowledge and practice of Indigenous medicines from medicinal plants and animals. We, however, are denied rights and control over our Indigenous medicines when these are taken over by big corporations as their intellectual property rights under WTO. Big pharmaceutical corporations race for patents to gain exclusive control for the production, marketing, distribution and sales of products derived from indigenous knowledge and practice. We are also alarmed that the WTO allows the patenting of life forms including extraction of genetic information under its TRIPS. These capitalist monsters treat Indigenous Peoples as valuable and vulnerable targets for medical research and experiments.
Trade agreements on services have further marginalized and impoverished us, with very limited access to basic social and health services, a situation worsened by government neglect and discrimination. Our right to quality and affordable education and health is further violated by GATS which allows foreign corporations to own and operate educational and health institutions leading to profit-oriented and corporate owned services that are available only to the few who have the means to pay. Education is designed to meet the needs and interests of the multinational corporations and the advanced capitalist countries above the social values and needs of Indigenous communities and national development of poor countries. As a result, the youth and the next generations’ futures are bleak and the survival of our Indigenous knowledge is in peril.
Globalisation has even destroyed our biological and cultural diversity, ecosystems, values and traditional knowledge that constitute our existence as humans and as Indigenous Peoples. It is the culprit of the climate crisis, which exacerbates the historical, political, and economic marginalisation of Indigenous Peoples. It puts Indigenous Peoples in a very vulnerable situation, notwithstanding the fact that Indigenous Peoples have contributed the least to the climate crisis.
The dominant world capitalist system under which the WTO and similar trade agreements operate is the culprit to the multiple crises that humanity confronts today. The neoliberal policies of globalization, liberalization, deregulation, privatization and denationalization are the root causes of the protracted economic, financial, political, and climatic crises that have put Indigenous Peoples in more oppressive and exploitative conditions and the planet on the brink of destruction. The WTO MC9 in its Bali Package is hell-bent on pushing and imposing more new deals that would intensify our misery ten-fold, as it demands the acceleration of neoliberal globalization for more profit to the few ruling elite of the advanced capitalist countries and their transnational corporations above the interest of Indigenous Peoples, humanity and Mother Earth. Clearly, the WTO advances the neoliberal globalization framework and violates all the rights of Peoples, including Indigenous Peoples and Nations, to self-determination, life and liberty. The WTO is an instrument that serves the primary interest of the multinational corporations and the few advanced capitalist countries to the detriment of Indigenous Peoples worldwide, humanity, Mother Earth and all life.
Ways Forward
We will persevere in our struggle to gain self-determination and autonomy. Until our right to self-determination is respected, genuine sustainable development will not be achieved.
We are united to oppose and reject the commodification, privatisation and plunder of nature, which includes the green economy, false- or market-based solutions including biodiversity and conservations offsets that put profit above humanity and the planet. We are in solidarity to resist neoliberal globalization. We are united to fight for our rights to self-determination and assert the future we want. We declare to Junk WTO, oppose new deals, and push for an alternative trade agenda appropriate to Indigenous Peoples.
We push for an alternative trade system appropriate for us. We do not just reject trade per se, but push for trade systems that respect and recognise our traditional economies and governance. We envision systems that promote solidarity, mutual cooperation and respect, based on the needs and development of our communities and empowerment of our people. We demand systems that underpin our inherent right to self-determination and our permanent sovereignty over our traditional lands, territories and resources, forests, water, and everything that sustains life for the future generations. We demand systems that reject, and call for the abolition of, all colonial, unequal, and neocolonial trade agreements such as the WTO and other similar trade agreements.
We will continue to strengthen our ranks and further develop and mobilize the capacities of the young generations and women in advancing our struggles against neoliberal globalization and its instruments like the WTO until its removal. We will link our struggles not only with Indigenous Peoples worldwide, but also with other Peoples’ movements, democratic and marginalized sectors and civil society organisations (CSOs) that have common goals and aspirations with that of Indigenous Peoples. We join the worldwide movement to Junk WTO and reject Neoliberal Globalization.
We commit to consolidate our efforts to engage the WTO and other multilateral, regional and bilateral trade syndicates/agreements, and we strongly oppose agreements forged without our knowledge, participation, and consent. In our engagement to these trade agreements, we shall bring to the forefront as main points of assertion our inherent right to selfdetermination, self-determined and sustainable development, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), the Alta Outcome Document and other declarations on our collective rights as Indigenous Peoples.
We shall strive to achieve gains that go beyond the mechanisms and opportunities in the UN, and of the benevolence of States and governments. Like in other international fora, processes and mechanisms, we shall create our own spaces asserting our rights to lands, territories, and self-determination.
We must take collective control of our natural resources based on the principles of people’s participation, gender equality, environmental and social justice, self-reliant and sustainable management systems and mindful of the needs of the whole of humanity while maintaining a deep respect, responsibility and recognition of the natural laws of Mother Earth and all creatures within. We must regain sovereignty over our lands and resources from multinational corporations and capitalist countries. We focus on building sustainable communities based on indigenous knowledge and peoples’ development, not on capitalist development. We must strive to promote and assert our sustainable ways of life, social and cultural values for the common good and the whole of society, collective interest over individual, service over profit, respect and care for nature and Mother Earth, including our viable solutions as opposed to false solutions to climate change.
While we continue to unite as Indigenous Peoples worldwide, we also uphold the spirit of international solidarity with other sectors, organizations, activists and genuine advocates of our issues. This solidarity advances our global campaign for Indigenous Peoples’ rights to self-determination and liberation. Junk WTO! No New Deals!
Our Immediate Demands
As we conclude our workshop and events parallel to the WTO MC9, we state the following demands to the World Trade Organisation, the States and Corporations:
We demand for focus on new economies based on the principles of living in harmony with nature and governed by the absolute limits and boundaries of ecological sustainability, the carrying capacities of Mother Earth, and in recognition of the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Mother Earth.
We demand for a stop to the capitalism of nature. All economic frameworks and trade regimes that privatise and financialise the functions of nature through green economy initiatives must be halted. Mother Earth is the source of life which needs to be protected, not a resource to be exploited and commodified as a natural capital. We call for the halt of all policies controlling the reproductive capacity of Mother Earth through market-based mechanisms that allow for the quantification and commodification of the natural processes of Mother Earth being branded as ecosystem services.
We demand for the respect of Indigenous Peoples’ collective rights, such as but not limited to their traditional lands, territories, resources, free prior informed consent (FPIC), selfdetermination, culture and identity, and traditional management systems as enshrined in the UNDRIP and other international standards in negotiations and agreements. All trade agreements on investments, programs and projects affecting our lands, territories, communities, culture and identity without our FPIC must be immediately revoked and cancelled.
We demand for the repeal of all trade agreements affecting us without our meaningful, full and effective participation and FPIC. Likewise, we demand for Indigenous Peoples’ full and active participation in decision-making processes and discourses on trade and other matters affecting us at all levels. Our right to FPIC is fundamental, and thus we continue to assert that this must be respected. Nothing About Us, Without Us!
We demand for the full recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ inherent and inalienable right to self-determination and permanent sovereignty over our lands, territories, resources, air, ice, oceans, waters, mountains and forests.
We demand an end to the militarization of our communities, for States and corporations to be held accountable on human rights violations, and ensured justice to the victims and their families and communities who have experienced such atrocities.
Likewise, States should provide concrete support, such as appropriate technologies and funds, to help us develop for ourselves our own self-determined and sustainable development models ad methods.
Stop the theft and patenting of our traditional seeds, medicines, traditional knowledge, and our identity. Stop the commodification of our sacred culture for megatourism projects and other big businesses.
Stop the criminalization of community resistance and end the culture of impunity. Pull out State armed forces in Indigenous territories, and uphold the responsibility to provide basic social services to Indigenous communities.
Affirmed this 3rd day of December 2013, in Bali, Indonesia.
Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL)

Asia Pacific Indigenous Youth Network (APIYN)

Alyansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN)

Barisan Pemuda Adat Nusantara (BPAN)

Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA)

Land is Life Committee for the Protection of Natural Resources-Manipur

Center for Research and Advocacy-Manipur

Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN)

International Organisation for Self-Determination and Equality (IOSDE)

Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KAMP)

BAI National Network of Indigenous Women in the Philippines

Innabuyog-Gabriela KALUMARAN Cordillera Women’s Education Action Research Center

20 years of the WTO is enough! Junk WTO!

We call on our members and partners to endorse the statement below beforeDecember 15, 2015 (Tuesday). Kindly send your endorsement to mpascual@iboninternational.orgIPMSDL is an initiator of this statement.

20 years of the WTO is enough! Junk WTO!

Over the years, people’s organizations have seen the WTO as an instrument that exploits developing nations. Twenty years of its existence has already forced radical changes in the laws of sovereign states and threatened the lives and livelihood of peoples around the world. Any expansion of its power will lead to more losses of our democratic rights. We urge the public to be vigilant and not be misled by rhetoric on the benefits of neoliberal trade and the WTO.

Please read and sign-on to the full statement before the 10th Ministerial Conference of the WTO on Dec. 15, 2015:


SIGN ON STATEMENT: 20 years of the WTO is enough! Junk WTO!

December 5, 2015

1121269 Hong Kong, China.

It has been two decades since the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO), a successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which created a multilateral trading system encompassing trade in goods, services, agriculture, and intellectual property.

While a trade organization like the WTO supposedly provides members access to each other’s markets on equal terms, developed countries’ interests have dominated the GATT and the WTO from the start. The WTO’s trade policy framework has thusled to more inequality and long-term problems for developing states.

junkWTOThrough the relaxation of restriction on foreign investments under the WTO’s trade liberalization scheme, developed countries and their big companies continue to exploit land, workers and other resources from developing countries for their own gain. This has intensified inequality between and within countries. In 2014, the UN Development Programmereported that 85 of the richest people in the world have wealth equivalent to the wealth of 3.5 billion of the poorest people in the world. In 2010, 25 major American corporations surpassed the 2010 gross domestic product (GDP) of entire countries. An example is Wal-Mart whose 2010 revenue amounted to $421.89 billion,which is larger than Norway’s GDP ($414.46 billion) and 157 smaller countries.This clearly shows that half of the world’s wealth is owned by the richest one percent.

The dismantling of trade barriers that cover basic services in health care, education, environment, sanitation, water and other social services allowed transnational corporations (TNCs) of rich countries to acquire companies and privatize public services within developing nations. Unbridled competition has also resulted to loweringof labor standards and easingof environmental regulations to attract investments,leading to more human rights violations in the workplace, massive land grabbing and environmental degradation.

Since colonization, neoliberal policies intensified the sufferings of indigenous peoples. This shall worsen as the WTO imposes more agreements and policies that shall further encroach, destroy and plunder indigenous lands and territories through unsustainable projects such as mono-cultural chemically intensive plantations, extractive industries like mining and oil drilling, and dams and other environmentally destructive “renewable” energy projects. Those who resist suffer from militarization and State terrorism, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearance, assassination, arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, criminalization of community resistance, harassment and vilification as “terrorists.”

The WTO’s enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPR) hindered developing countries’ access to medicines and medical technology because of the high cost of paying for patent licenses. In the Sub-Saharan African region, an estimated 24.7 million HIV patients cannot access patented anti-retroviral medicines because of prohibitive costs.The WTO also allowed American transnational agribusiness corporation Monsanto to draft a policy under its IPR agreement to place patents on all life forms, from microorganisms to plants. This provided Monsanto an advantage over developing country members of the WTO to control their seeds. TNCs are also attacking indigenous knowledge by patenting plant varieties discovered and cultivated by indigenous peoples for food, medicine and rituals.

In the agriculture sector, the failure of the WTO to reduce the subsidies of developed countries to their farmers has affected the livelihood of cotton farmers in Africa because of the overproduction of cotton in the world market. The cheap price of cotton exported by African farmers led to a decline in production by almost 50% in 12 main African cotton producers between 2005 and 2009.

The expansion of poultry imports from developed countries led to massive rural job loss in Africa. From 1994 to 2003, 110, 000 rural jobs were lost each year in Cameroon. In Ivory Coast, an estimated 1,500 poultry producers ceased production between 2001 and 2003, leaving 15,000 people jobless. In Senegal, 70% of the poultry industry was wiped out because of the poultry expansion of the European Union (EU).

The removal of trade barriers also paved the way for massive importation of food and agricultural products that destroyed the Philippine’s path to self-sufficiency and food security. According to the peasant movement Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, an estimated 2.85 million metric tons of rice was imported by the Philippine government in 2014, leaving a huge drop in farmgate prices of locally produced rice.

The WTO’s policies continue to support corporate control in food systems and trade by altering food safety and price regulations, intellectual property protection and agriculture subsidies. It has also trapped developing countries into exporting cheap raw materials and allowing imported food and agricultural products to their local markets leaving domestic production to decline. Almost 800 million people worldwide continue to suffer from hunger because of corporate control on food.

As if 20 years of the WTO’s stranglehold is not bad enough, the US, EU, Japan and other developed countries want the upcoming 10th Ministerial Conference (MC10) this 15-18 December 2015 in Nairobi, Kenya to commence negotiations on “new issues” – which are really old proposals that these countries have long been seeking to impose as new rules on trade and investments binding on all countries. These would further strengthen the ability of TNCs to operate within and across borders and dictate the prices of goods and services making them unaffordable to the common people. They would also rob developing countries of their remaining policy tools that are necessary for promoting sustainable development and realizing people’s rights.

Over the years, people’s organizations have seen the WTO as an instrument that exploits developing nations. Twenty years of its existence has already forced radical changes in the laws of sovereign states and threatened the lives and livelihood of peoples around the world. Any expansion of its power will lead to more losses of our democratic rights. We urge the public to be vigilant and not be misled by rhetoric on the benefits of neoliberal trade and the WTO.

We call on the public to support people’s organizations and pro-poor advocates pushing fora pro-people trade system that promotes environmental sustainability, genuine economic cooperation, and the right to development. We urge each nation to adopt economic policies and programs that assert their sovereignty over their agriculture and food systems. National and international trade systems should promote policies that will be able to dismantle international cartels and capitalist monopolies that manipulate the prices of commodities in the international market.

As long as the WTO runs world trade, corporate elites and their governments will continue to abuse the people and resources of developing countries. We should not allow this to persist.

20 years of corporate plunder is enough! 20 years of manipulation is enough! 20 years of inequality is enough! 20 years of the WTO is enough!

Now is the time for genuine system change and fair economic cooperation that promotes development for all! Join the fight against WTO! Junk the WTO!

[ENG/SPN]:Bauxite mining on Maoist tribal areas/La minería de bauxita en las áreas tribales maoístas

*Spanish translation follows (by Google groups)/Traducción español sigue (por grupos de Google)
Bauxite mining could spur a Maoist revival in tribal areas

Ignoring the groundswell of public opinion against a resumption of bauxite mining, the Andhra Pradesh government has been taking concrete steps to start mineral exploration in the Eastern Ghats. The Maoists have used this opportunity to try winning support of the tribals.

Ever since the Communist Party of India (Maoist) [CPI (Maoist)] made a tactical retreat from the undivided Andhra Pradesh in 2004, engagements between the naxalites and the State police have been rare and unspectacular. Though the Maoists retained a presence in the tribal Agency areas in north coastal Andhra, a sort of ceasefire has prevailed, with either side preferring not to cross the other’s path.

But recent events indicate that the tribal hills of north Andhra are rumbling again. Three days ago, the naxalites abducted a sarpanch (village head). Last week, the Telangana police killed two Maoists in an alleged encounter in Warangal district. Just a few days later, three more extremists, including a top functionary of CPI (Maoist), were slain just beyond the inter-State border in Odisha. Given the extremely adversarial relationship between the two, it does not take much to resume the Danse Macabre.

However, a significant factor in the naxalites getting active again in the Agency areas of Visakhapatnam is the State government’s intent to resume bauxite mining in the tribal hills. Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu declared this on World Tribal Day last year and repeated it this year too.

Vulnerable areas along border

Last week, the CPI (Maoist) celebrated its Foundation Week in Srikakulam district in north Andhra, the very place where the party’s precursor, People’s War, staged its first uprising in 1969. On its part, the police are beginning to mobilise their own machinery to stop the naxalites from coming back to the plains areas of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

As many as eight places in the Srikakulam district along the thickly forested inter-State border have been identified as vulnerable and additional forces have been kept at strategic places along the Andhra-Odisha border. The government is going to establish an exclusive AP Special Police battalion in Srikakulam district due to its vulnerability to naxalite influence. “Stationing of extra forces is the need of the hour to curb Maoist activities along the AP-Odisha border,” said a senior officer.

“Many other moves of the TDP Government have further alienated the tribals and prepared the ground further for the Maoists. The government has given the Tribal Welfare portfolio to a non-tribal. The statutory Tribal Advisory Council has not been constituted even after more than a year of its coming to power. ”

These efforts are in addition to the new battalion of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), the 198th Battalion, which was raised with headquarters in Visakhapatnam to cover the three north Andhra districts.As always, the police adopt good cop/bad cop tactics. In north Andhra, the police have been trying hard to get closer to the tribals with their community policing initiatives. Though the tribals participate in such activities under pressure, there has been a significant shift away from the Maoists.

Moves to resume mining are not popular among the tribal people. There is a groundswell opinion among them against bauxite mining, which they believe will only displace them while enriching the plainspeople. Opinion is so strong against mining that ‘bauxite’ is, for all purposes, a banned word in the Agency area.

But, ignoring the public opinion, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) government has been taking concrete steps to start mineral exploration in the Eastern Ghats.

To sway public opinion, the AP Mineral Development Corporation (APMDC) has hired some educated local people to act as ‘facilitators’, people who will sell the idea of bauxite mining to their communities.

The Maoists have seen in all this an opportunity to win the favour of the tribals. They have been organising opposition to mining, and staging coercive steps to deter people from supporting mining activities. The APMDC’s facilitators have been warned, and some of their houses even burnt down. They were immediately shifted away by APMDC.

Many other moves of the TDP Government have further alienated the tribals and prepared the ground further for the Maoists. The government has given the Tribal Welfare portfolio to a non-tribal. The statutory Tribal Advisory Council has not been constituted even after more than a year of its coming to power.

The Maoists, on the other hand, have used the bauxite issue to stage a comeback in the tribal hills. The CPI (Maoist) top leaders have reportedly been touring villages on the Andhra-Odisha border area to give a boost to the anti-bauxite agitation. Meetings with tribal leaders are reportedly being organised in the interior areas. The response is said to be good. The Agency area could see violence in the future if the government goes ahead with bauxite mining. In such a situation, it won’t be a surprise if the tribal people support the Maoists in their bid to stop mining.

The region, one thick with forests spread over hills and valleys, provides the perfect staging ground for guerrilla tactics of the Naxalites. In fact, at one stage, the naxalites had even declared a ‘liberated zone’ consisting of 300-400 villages of Visakha and East Godavari Agencies and the adjoining Odisha area.

A full-scale resumption of hostilities between the police in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh and the naxalites is the last thing Chief Minister Naidu needs right now. His government, in order to attract investment, wants to project residual Andhra Pradesh as a State free of issues relating to law and order. An atmosphere of frequent encounters’ and naxalite attacks on state property would not send the correct signals at this juncture.

La minería de bauxita podría estimular un renacimiento maoísta en las zonas tribales
Haciendo caso omiso de la corriente de opinión pública en contra de la reanudación de la extracción de bauxita, el gobierno de Andhra Pradesh ha estado tomando medidas concretas para iniciar la exploración de minerales en los Ghats orientales. Los maoístas han aprovechado esta oportunidad para tratar de ganar el apoyo de las tribus.
Desde que el Partido Comunista de la India (Maoísta) [PCI (Maoísta)] hizo una retirada táctica de la indivisa Andhra Pradesh en 2004, compromisos entre los naxalitas y la policía del estado han sido raros y poco espectacular. Aunque los maoístas retuvieron una presencia en las áreas de agencias tribales en el norte de la costa de Andhra, una especie de alto el fuego se ha impuesto, con cualquiera de los lados no prefieren cruzar el camino de la otra.
Pero los acontecimientos recientes indican que las colinas tribales del norte de Andhra retumban de nuevo. Hace tres días, los naxalitas secuestraron a un sarpanch (jefe de la aldea). La semana pasada, la policía de Telangana mataron a dos maoístas en un supuesto encuentro en el distrito de Warangal. Sólo unos días después, tres extremistas más, entre ellos un funcionario superior del PCI (Maoísta), fueron asesinados más allá de la frontera entre Estados en Odisha. Dada la relación extremadamente contradictorio entre los dos, no se necesita mucho para reanudar la Danse Macabre.
Sin embargo, un factor significativo en los naxalitas conseguir activo de nuevo en las áreas de la Agencia de Visakhapatnam es la intención del gobierno del estado para reanudar la extracción de bauxita en las colinas tribales. Ministro Principal N. Chandrababu Naidu declaró esto en el Día tribal Mundial el año pasado y lo repitió este año también.
Zonas vulnerables a lo largo de la frontera
La semana pasada, el PCI (Maoísta) ha celebrado su Semana de la Fundación en el distrito Srikakulam en el norte de Andhra, el mismo lugar donde precursor del partido, la guerra popular, llevó a cabo su primer levantamiento en 1969. Por su parte, la policía está empezando a movilizar su propia maquinaria para detener a los naxalitas regrese a las zonas de llanuras de Andhra Pradesh y Telangana.
Hasta ocho lugares en el distrito Srikakulam largo de la frontera entre Estados densamente boscosas han sido identificados como vulnerables y fuerzas adicionales se han mantenido en lugares estratégicos a lo largo de la frontera de Andhra-Odisha. El gobierno va a establecer un exclusivo batallón de la Policía Especial de AP en el distrito Srikakulam debido a su vulnerabilidad a la influencia naxalita. “Estacionamiento de fuerzas adicionales es la necesidad de la hora de frenar las actividades maoístas a lo largo de la frontera AP-Odisha,” dijo un oficial de alto rango.
Estos esfuerzos se suman a la nueva batallón de la Fuerza Central de Reserva de Policía (CRPF), el Batallón 198, que se planteó con sede en Visakhapatnam para cubrir los tres distritos de Andhra norte.
Como siempre, la policía adopte poli bueno / malo tácticas de policía. En el norte de Andhra, la policía ha estado tratando duro para estar más cerca de las tribus con sus iniciativas de policía comunitaria. Aunque las tribus participan en esas actividades bajo presión, se ha producido un cambio significativo lejos de los maoístas.
Mueve a reanudar la minería no son populares entre los pueblos tribales. Hay una opinión oleada entre ellos contra la minería de bauxita, que creen que sólo se desplazará mientras enriqueciendo el plainspeople. Opinión es tan fuerte contra la minería que “la bauxita ‘es, a todos los efectos, una palabra prohibida en la zona Agencia.
Pero, haciendo caso omiso de la opinión pública, el (TDP) Gobierno Telegu Desam ha estado tomando medidas concretas para iniciar la exploración de minerales en los Ghats orientales.
Para influir en la opinión pública, la Corporación de Desarrollo Mineral AP (APMDC) ha contratado a algunas personas locales educados para actuar como ‘facilitadores’, gente que va a vender la idea de la minería de bauxita a sus comunidades.
Los maoístas han visto en todo esto una oportunidad para ganar el favor de los tribales. Ellos han estado organizando la oposición a la minería, y puesta en escena medidas coercitivas para disuadir a las personas de apoyo a las actividades mineras. Facilitadores del APMDC han sido advertidos, y algunas de sus casas, incluso quemó. Ellos fueron trasladados de inmediato llevar por APMDC.
Muchos otros movimientos del Gobierno TDP han alienado aún más los tribales y preparado el terreno más de los maoístas. El gobierno ha dado la cartera de Bienestar Tribal a un no-tribal. La ley tribal Consejo Asesor no ha sido constituido, incluso después de más de un año de su llegada al poder.
Los maoístas, por el contrario, han utilizado el tema de bauxita volver a los escenarios en las colinas tribales. Los PCI (Maoísta) los principales líderes han sido los informes, de gira por pueblos de la zona fronteriza de Andhra-Odisha para dar un impulso a la agitación contra la bauxita. Las reuniones con los líderes tribales según los informes se están organizando en las áreas interiores. La respuesta se dice que es bueno. El área Agencia pudo ver la violencia en el futuro si el gobierno sigue adelante con la extracción de bauxita. En tal situación, no será una sorpresa si los pueblos tribales apoyan a los maoístas en su intento de detener la minería.
La región, una de espesor, con bosques que se distribuyen en las colinas y los valles, proporciona la base de operaciones perfecta para las tácticas de guerrilla de los naxalitas. De hecho, en un momento dado, los naxalitas siquiera habían declarado “zona liberada” que consiste en 300-400 pueblos de Visakha y Agencias de Godavari del Este y la zona contigua Odisha.
La reanudación a gran escala de las hostilidades entre la policía de Telangana y Andhra Pradesh y los naxalitas es la última cosa Ministro Principal Naidu necesita en este momento. Su gobierno, con el fin de atraer inversiones, quiere proyectar residual Andhra Pradesh como un Estado libre de cuestiones relacionadas con el derecho y el orden. Una atmósfera de encuentros frecuentes y de ataques naxalitas en la propiedad estatal no enviaría las señales correctas en esta coyuntura.

[ENG/SPN]:CPDE Statement on the Syrian Crisis/Declaración CPDE sobre la crisis Siria

Read the statement in Spanish and French.
CPDE Statement on the Refugee Crisis in Syria

28 September 2015

As a community of civil society organisations advocating for development effectiveness, the CSO Partnership for Development Effectiveness (CPDE) stands in solidarity with the people of Syria. At the core of CPDE’s work is the respect and protection of human rights for all, rooted in social justice, decent work, gender equality, environmental sustainability, and an enabling environment for CSOs as independent development actors in their own right. The refugee crisis in Syria poses a growing challenge to the international community especially as the United Nations Member States, with the adoption of 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, pledged to promote peaceful societies and a promise to leave no one behind.

CPDE expresses deep concern over the plight of refugees. Insurmountable challenges in acquiring asylum and securing the basic needs for survival are just some of the harsh realities they continue to face. The welfare of women and children refugees from Syria who now compose 70% of the registered total is also a source of deep concern as evidence have shown that conflict and post-conflict situations result in unique and disproportionate impacts on women.[1] Their equal access to protection and assistance call the need for more international support and attention.[2]

We therefore urge all development actors to uphold, defend, and expand the fundamental rights and freedoms of all peoples regardless of their situation, race, class, gender, religion or migratory status most especially those in conflict and in fragile societies. We believe that refugees in all parts of the world should be treated with respect, dignity and in strict accordance to commitments such as but not limited to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international humanitarian law, the 1951 Refugee Convention, and Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

We denounce the atrocities being committed in Syria and stress that no one and no country and their people should ever suffer under such circumstances.

We urge the international community to bridge the competing parties into meaningful dialogue and find solutions for lasting peace. Putting a stop to the persisting conflict, the unnecessary bloodshed, and the barriers to development must be at the core of our efforts.

We strongly call on all countries who are host to Syrian Refugees to abide by all standards in international law that relate to refugees. Governments from around the world, most especially in the European Union, should also respond with the same generosity of spirit that civil society across Europe has displayed. Furthermore we endorse the UNHCR’s Key Guidelines for dealing with Europe’s refugee crisis. These six fundamental principles should be upheld by the European Union without reservation.[3]

We urge the international community to remain accountable in fulfilling its global and humanitarian obligations including the responsibility to provide adequate funding, ODA/development cooperation and the assurance of humane and just conditions for all affected populations.

[1] Women in situations of armed conflict .

[2] Women in Syria have been arbitrarily arrested and detained, physically abused, harassed, and tortured during Syria’s conflict by government forces, pro-government militias, and armed groups opposed to the government, as Human Rights Watch highlighted. Further details to be found at: Syria: War’s Toll on Women (July 2014):

[3] UNHCR chief issues key guidelines for dealing with Europe’s refugee crisis


[ENG/SPN]:The coming tragedy of Paris/La tragedia que viene de París

*Spanish translation follows (by Google Translate)/Traducción español sigue (de Google Translate)

The coming tragedy of Paris: A disastrous climate deal that will see the planet burn

By: Mary Louise Malig*

Like reading the ancient Greek tragedy of Homer, we are at the pages of the Iliad where we can see what hell ahead shall befall Troy. We are now in that exact moment, seeing in the horizon the fires that will burn for ten years. However, we are not looking in the horizon of the ill-fated Trojans, but rather, we are looking at the future of humanity, nature and the planet.

There are only 5 negotiating days left before the 21st Conference of Parties (COP21) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). From October 19-23, 2015, the UNFCCC is supposed to hammer out the modalities of the Paris deal. At this point, we should have a good sense of what the Paris deal will be. After all, since the COP17 in Durban, South Africa, where the mandate to draft a new climate agreement until 2030 was adopted, there have already been a total of 85 negotiating days, a carbon filled amount of flights for 193 parties to the convention, and at the wayside thousands of dead and displaced from destructively intense typhoons, hurricanes, floods or droughts. In the Philippines alone, the strongest typhoon to ever make landfall, Typhoon Haiyan, killed 6,000 and left thousands more homeless and without livelihood.

However, at this point, there is no agreed text yet for a Paris deal. Instead, there are a number of documents. First you have a “Co-Chairs Tool”(1) that lays out the possible scenario. At the last intersessional in Bonn in September, the co-chairs of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action (ADP) presented a tool for the negotiations that has three parts: The first part includes the issues that can be included in a potential Paris agreement, the second part those issues that will be listed in a decision and the third part includes those issues that need further negotiation and will neither be in the COP21 agreement nor decision. In the Co-Chairs tool, the elements of a Paris deal are clear: emission cuts will be voluntary, flexibility mechanisms will be continued, more market mechanisms will be proposed and accounting loopholes and techno-fixes will abound. Already, the term “net zero” emissions indicates an accounting trick because “net zero” is a term to mean you’ve balanced your accounting columns out. “Net zero” emissions therefore does not translate to zero emissions, which is what the climate urgently needs.

This week, the co-chairs of the ADP, Ahmed Djoghlaf of Algeria and Daniel Reifsnyder of the US, as mandated have produced, in addition to the Co-Chair’s Tool, a non-paper note by the Co-Chairs (2) in time for the coming intersessional in Bonn. There is certainly an element of Greek tragedy in the fact that one of the co-chairs is from one of the biggest emitters and the one who, as a matter of irony, never ratified the last climate protocol. The October 5, 2015 non-paper details a draft agreement and a draft decision for Paris. The Chairs have also issued a draft decision on workstream 2 or the pre-2020 ambition. (3) All these documents are still under negotiation.

Another critical reason as to why we know that Paris is going to be a deal that burns the planet, is that, as of writing, following the October 1 deadline of the UNFCCC, 119 submissions of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) have been made. This includes the 28 member states of the EU as 1. All major emitters are in these 119 submissions. These INDCs are the voluntary pledges of the countries on how much emissions they are targeting to reduce by 2030. (4) An issue of the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development reporting on these submissions states, “although some estimates contend that the actions outlined thus far would result in a planetary warming of three degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, overshooting an international commitment by one degree.”(5) A recent study however by Stern etal, details that the reduction pledges from US, EU and China – who together account for 45 percent of global emissions will miss by almost double the 2030 target of 35 gigatons of CO2e emissions.(6) Emissions should be cut by 2030 to 35 gigatons of CO2e and with the current INDCs of the most important countries annual global emissions will be around 60 gigatons of CO2e in 2030.


This 2 degree target was internationally agreed on in 2007, after the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its Fourth Assessment Report (7) which detailed that to avoid dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system, that emissions had to be kept to below 2 degrees by 2020. It is now 2015, and the IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Report has come out to reiterate that danger and has even highlighted that “Many aspects of climate change and associated impacts will continue for centuries, even if anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse gases are stopped. The risks of abrupt or irreversible changes increase as the magnitude of the warming increases.” (8) This means that the longer the delay in reducing emissions, the higher the danger that the feedback mechanism of the climate system will go beyond the 2 degree “safe” limit.

This is the heart of the problem of the Paris deal. The emission targets of the countries are not under negotiation. They are voluntary promises that they may or may not implement and may even use market mechanisms to cheat their way out of. Emissions need to be cut deeply, at source, without loopholes or market mechanisms, today, not 10 years from now. The decade lost waiting to reduce by 2030, will be a decade lost forever. The climate system does not work like the movies – where warming stops the moment the protagonist saves the day – the emissions put into the system now will burn well beyond 2030. There may not be a planet to “save” by 2030.

The whole process being captured by corporations especially by the fossil fuel and extractive industry – the main source of emissions – is most evident in the support of business as usual. In the entire 88 pages of the Co-Chair’s Tool, “fossil fuel” is only mentioned once and only to encourage governments to reduce or eliminate incentives for fossil fuel subsidies: “52 a. [Parties [are encouraged] to [take steps to] [reduce][eliminate] [international support][public incentives] [for][phase down] high-carbon investments[, [including][and] international fossil fuel subsidies];] {paras 102, 103 and 113 bis d. SCT}” (9)

In the statement of the Climate Space, it reiterates the demand of social movements for 80 percent of the fossil fuel reserves to be left underground in order to stay below the 2 degree limit. (10) And how will this demand be met if the sponsors of the COP21 are from fossil fuel and large carbon emitting corporations such as EDF, Engie, Air France, Renault-Nissan and BNP Paribas? (11)


In addition to not addressing the main sources of emissions, the climate agreement, since the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol, has allowed the use of market mechanisms. The creation of this carbon market has led to the massive cheating by Annex 1 countries (37 industrialized countries), escaping their legal commitment to cut emissions by at least 5 percent below 1990 levels in the commitment period 2008-2012. The Kyoto Protocol flexibility mechanism allowed Annex 1 countries to “offset” their emissions by doing “clean development” projects in developing countries or by buying and selling their carbon credits.

The Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation plus (REDD+) scheme, the final rules of which are supposed to be formally adopted in Paris, adds significantly to this cheating by allowing countries to present any kind of tree planting or protection as a contribution to mitigation, even when such activities are not additional or permanent, or when they trigger deforestation in other areas or countries or are otherwise environmentally or socially damaging. It allows countries to commodify or even sell their forests as carbon sinks, ignores the real drivers of forest loss, but blames indigenous peoples and small farmers for deforestation instead. As the NO-REDD in Africa Network has stated, “Reports show that deforestation and the related emissions continue, and that REDD+, instead of reducing them, is harming and vilifying forest-dependent communities and those who produce the majority of the world’s food – small scale farmers.” (12)

The belief in carbon markets as panacea extends to the proposed Paris agreement, with proposals on the inclusion of land use related emissions and emission reductions. Already a loophole by itself in the flawed accounting approaches it proposes, combined with market mechanisms, will create an entire new grab for land as it creates a REDD+ for agriculture and soils.

The impermanence of land in the first place, makes it a far more theoretical carbon sink for emissions compared to the very real continued burning of fossil fuels. More importantly, the logic of carbon accounting determining agricultural policy means that agriculture will prioritize the needs of the carbon market rather than feeding people and that of food sovereignty.

The World Bank and other transnational corporations (TNCs) in the Global Alliance for Climate Smart Agriculture are pushing for this Climate Smart Agriculture – a system that produces more food on less land, while being weather resistant and absorbing carbon. The production of more food on less land is clearly supported by corporations pushing the use of GM seeds. But it is the creation of a new market for soils and agriculture that poses the greatest attraction to TNCs. Just how the monetary incentive of REDD+ displaced Indigenous Peoples, the potential financial gains will displace small farmers and add further to the already existing land grab. As La Via Campesina, the world’s largest movement of small farmers states, “Climate smart agriculture will lead to further consolidation of land, pushing peasant and family farmers towards World Bank Projects, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and other institutions, creating dependency on so-called new technologies through their complete packages that include prescriptions of “climate smart varieties”, inputs, and credit, while ignoring traditional tried and true adaptive farming techniques and stewardship of seed varieties in practice by farmers.” (13) It continues, “The possibility of big profits with investments in carbon credits generated from farmlands involved in climate smart agriculture projects will increase speculation in the carbon market, leading to further “carbon land grabs” by large-scale investors and producers, and the further displacement of peasant and smallholder farmers, just as REDD displaces indigenous people. Under this climate smart agriculture framework, there is little hope of reducing and removing greenhouse gases, trying to solve food insecurity or any significant rural economic and social development.” (14)


This story does not need to end in tragedy. In fact, it is being challenged valiantly, everyday, with all the daily struggles being carried out by frontline communities, Indigenous Peoples, small farmers, women, workers, students, activists and heroes and heroines of Mother Nature. The future needs to be reclaimed, the system changed and peoples alternatives be pushed forward.

The draft Chairman proposals for the Paris deal: the agreement and the decision – need to be squarely rejected. The real danger of a bad deal is the fact that it will lock us into a permanent agreement of business as usual of burning the planet. The extreme hype around the Paris deal being desperately needed to “save the world” is scaremongering people into accepting a disastrously bad deal. Reminiscent of the days campaigning against the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Development Agenda, the call for no deal is better than a bad deal, rings true. No Paris deal is better than a bad and false Paris deal – exactly because just like the WTO Doha Development Agenda has locked the world into unfair trade rules on food and agriculture; will a false Paris Climate Agreement lock the world into a laissez faire regime of polluting as always, countries making cuts when they feel like it, manipulating accounting loopholes to cheat their way out of emissions cuts, and using and creating even more market mechanisms to commodify, financialize and profit from the remaining resources of the planet. If we are to make Paris about saving the planet, then it should be about rejecting the false deal that is on the table.

The original Climate Convention that was adopted in 1992 and ratified by practically every country in the world, including the US and other big polluters, is a rather generic but important agreement. It obliges countries to prevent dangerous climate change and is firmly based on the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities. Ever since the Kyoto Protocol was established and introduced a cap and trade regime based on quantified accounting and flexibility mechanisms, the climate negotiations have moved nowhere but backwards. Legally binding commitments have turned into voluntary pledges, and then into intended nationally determined contributions. Common but differentiated responsibility has turned into a vague regime applicable to all parties, disregarding both historical accountability and responsibility of Annex 1 countries and the fact that those who have done the least are least responsible. The long-standing demand of real compensation for loss and damage has just been paid lip service with the acknowledgement of the impacts of climate change.

A no Paris deal scenario in December is not a disaster – it is an opportunity. It will create the space for a recuperation to the original goals of the climate convention to halt dangerous climate change by holding polluters to account. It would also create the space for community-driven solutions some of which are already in practice and are cooling the planet – from peasant agroecology and community-based sustainable energy solutions to community forest conservation. It would allow for alternative proposals such as holistic policies and measures that are not centered on carbon accounting and markets. It will give space for transformative measures to be implemented to accomplish the recently adopted Sustainable Development Goals including the historical zero deforestation by 2020 target. There are many more alternatives and proposals that can be given space for – rights of nature, climate jobs, “buen vivir”, food sovereignty, degrowth, deglobalization, and many more.

A world without a Paris deal is not only possible, it is necessary if we are to avoid tragedy. There are no limits to the alternatives.

*Mary Louise Malig, a researcher and trade analyst, is Campaigns Coordinator of the Global Forest Coalition.


(14) ibid

La tragedia que viene de París: Un acuerdo climático desastroso que verá la quemadura planeta
Por: Mary Louise Malig *
Al igual que la lectura de la antigua tragedia griega de Homero, nos encontramos en las páginas de la Ilíada en el que podemos ver lo que el infierno por delante sobrevendrá Troya. Ahora estamos en ese preciso momento, viendo en el horizonte los fuegos que se queman durante diez años. Sin embargo, no estamos buscando en el horizonte de los troyanos malograda, sino más bien, estamos ante el futuro de la humanidad, la naturaleza y el planeta.
Hay sólo 5 días de negociación que quedan antes de la 21ª Conferencia de las Partes (COP21) de la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC). De 19 a 23 oct 2015, la CMNUCC se supone que debe negociar las modalidades del acuerdo de París. En este punto, hay que tener un buen sentido de lo que será el acuerdo de París. Después de todo, ya que la COP17 en Durban, Sudáfrica, donde el mandato de redactar un nuevo acuerdo climático hasta que se aprobó el año 2030, ya ha habido un total de 85 días de negociación, una cantidad de carbono llenado de los vuelos de 193 partes en la convención, ya los miles borde del camino de muertos y desplazados de tifones destructivamente intensas, huracanes, inundaciones o sequías. Sólo en las Filipinas, el tifón más fuerte para que nunca tocó tierra, el tifón Haiyan, asesinado 6000 y dejó a miles más sin hogar y sin medios de subsistencia.
Sin embargo, en este momento, no hay ningún texto acordado todavía un acuerdo de París. En su lugar, hay una serie de documentos. En primer lugar usted tiene una “herramienta Copresidentes” (1) que establece el escenario posible. En el último período entre sesiones en Bonn en septiembre, los copresidentes del Grupo de Trabajo Ad Hoc sobre la Plataforma de Durban para la Acción Mejorada (ADP) presentan una herramienta para las negociaciones que tiene tres partes: La primera parte incluye los temas que se pueden incluir en un acuerdo de París potencial, la segunda parte los problemas que se enumeran en la decisión y la tercera parte incluye las cuestiones que necesitan más negociaciones y que no estarán en el acuerdo COP21 ni decisión. En la herramienta Copresidentes, los elementos de un acuerdo de París son claras: la reducción de emisiones será voluntaria, se continuarán los mecanismos de flexibilidad, se propondrán más mecanismos de mercado y lagunas contables y arreglos tecnológicos abundarán. Ya, el término “cero neto” emisiones indica un truco contable porque “cero neto” es un término que significa que has equilibrada Su columnas contables a cabo. Emisiones “cero neto”, por tanto, no se traduce en cero emisiones, que es lo que necesita con urgencia el clima.
Esta semana, los copresidentes de la ADP, Ahmed Djoghlaf de Argelia y Daniel Reifsnyder de los EE.UU., según el mandato han producido, además de la herramienta del Copresidente, una nota documento no oficial por los Copresidentes (2) en tiempo para el próximo período entre sesiones en Bonn. Sin duda hay un elemento de la tragedia griega en el hecho de que uno de los co-presidentes es de uno de los mayores emisores y el que, por una cuestión de ironía, nunca ratificó el último protocolo climático. El 05 de octubre 2015 documento no detalla un proyecto de acuerdo y un proyecto de decisión para París. Los presidentes también han emitido un proyecto de decisión sobre workstream 2 o la ambición de pre-2020. (3) Todos estos documentos están aún en negociaciones.
Otra razón fundamental de por qué sabemos que París va a ser un acuerdo que se quema el planeta, es que, como la escritura, después de la fecha límite de 01 de octubre de la CMNUCC, se han realizado 119 presentaciones de Destinatarios Aportes Determinación Nacional (INDCs) . Esto incluye los 28 estados miembros de la UE como 1. Todos los principales emisores están en estos 119 presentaciones. Estos INDCs son los compromisos voluntarios de los países de la cantidad de emisiones que se dirigen a reducir para el año 2030. (4) Un tema del Centro Internacional para el Comercio y el Desarrollo Sostenible de informes sobre estas presentaciones afirma, “aunque algunas estimaciones sostienen que las medidas presentadas hasta el momento se traduciría en un calentamiento planetario de tres grados centígrados por encima de los niveles preindustriales, superando un compromiso internacional en un grado “(5) Un estudio reciente, sin embargo por et Stern, detalles que las promesas de reducción de los Estados Unidos, la UE y China. – que en conjunto representan el 45 por ciento de las emisiones globales se perderá por casi el doble de la meta de 2030 de 35 gigatoneladas de emisiones de CO2e. (6) Las emisiones deben reducirse en 2030 a 35 gigatoneladas de CO2 equivalente y con las INDCs actuales de los países más importantes anuales mundial las emisiones serán alrededor de 60 gigatoneladas de CO2e en 2030.
AS en la Ilíada, TROY QUEMARÁ
Esta meta de 2 grados se acordó a nivel internacional en el 2007, después de que el Grupo Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático (IPCC) publicó su Cuarto Informe de Evaluación (7), que se detalla que para evitar interferencias antropogénicas peligrosas en el sistema climático, que las emisiones tenían que mantenerse a por debajo de 2 grados para el año 2020. Ahora es el 2015, y Quinto Informe de Evaluación del IPCC ha salido reiterar que el peligro e incluso ha puesto de relieve que “Muchos aspectos del cambio climático y los impactos asociados continuarán durante siglos, incluso si las emisiones antropogénicas de gases de efecto invernadero se detienen. Los riesgos de cambios abruptos o irreversibles aumentan a medida que la magnitud del calentamiento aumenta. “(8) Esto significa que cuanto mayor sea el retraso en la reducción de emisiones, mayor es el peligro de que el mecanismo de retroalimentación del sistema climático irá más allá del grado 2” límite de seguridad
Este es el corazón del problema del acuerdo de París. Los objetivos de emisiones de los países que no son objeto de negociación. Son promesas voluntarias que pueden o no pueden poner en práctica e incluso pueden utilizar mecanismos de mercado para engañar a su manera de salir de. Las emisiones se deben cortar profundamente, en su origen, sin lagunas o los mecanismos de mercado, hoy, no dentro de 10 años. La década perdida de espera para reducir para el año 2030, será una década perdida para siempre. El sistema climático no funciona como en las películas – donde el calentamiento se detiene el momento el protagonista salva el día – las emisiones ponen en el sistema ahora se quemará mucho más allá de 2030. Puede que no haya un planeta para “salvar” el año 2030.
Todo el proceso de ser capturado por las corporaciones, especialmente por parte de los combustibles fósiles y la industria extractiva – la principal fuente de emisiones – es más evidente en el apoyo de los negocios como de costumbre. En la totalidad de las 88 páginas de la herramienta del Copresidente, “combustible fósil” sólo se menciona una vez y sólo para alentar a los gobiernos a reducir o eliminar los incentivos para subsidios a los combustibles fósiles: “52 a. [Se alienta a las Partes [] para [tomar medidas para] [reducir] [eliminar] [apoyo internacional] [incentivos públicos] [para] [eliminar abajo] inversiones de alto carbono [, [incluyendo] [y] los subsidios internacionales de los combustibles fósiles] ;] {los párrafos 102, 103 y 113 bis d. SCT} “(9)
En la declaración del Espacio Climático, reitera la demanda de los movimientos sociales para el 80 por ciento de las reservas de combustibles fósiles para dejar bajo tierra el fin de mantenerse por debajo del límite de 2 grados. (10) ¿Y cómo se cumplirán esta demanda si los patrocinadores de la COP21 son de los combustibles fósiles y grandes de carbono que emiten las empresas como EDF, Engie, Air France, Renault-Nissan y BNP Paribas? (11)
Además de no hacer frente a las principales fuentes de emisiones, el acuerdo sobre el clima, desde la aprobación del Protocolo de Kyoto, ha permitido el uso de mecanismos de mercado. La creación de este mercado de carbono ha llevado al engaño masivo de los países del Anexo 1 (37 países industrializados), escapando de su compromiso legal para reducir las emisiones en al menos un 5 por ciento por debajo de los niveles de 1990 en el período de compromiso 2008-2012. El mecanismo de flexibilidad del Protocolo de Kyoto permitió países del Anexo 1 para “compensar” sus emisiones en hacer proyectos de “desarrollo limpio” en países en desarrollo o por la compra y la venta de sus bonos de carbono.
La Reducción de Emisiones por Deforestación y Degradación de los Bosques plus esquema (REDD +), de los cuales se supone que las reglas finales para ser adoptado formalmente en París, agrega significativamente a este engaño, al permitir a los países a presentar cualquier tipo de plantación de árboles o la protección como contribución a mitigación, incluso cuando dichas actividades no son adicionales o permanente, o cuando se desencadenan deforestación en otras áreas o países, o son de otra manera ambientalmente o socialmente perjudiciales. Permite a los países a mercantilizar o incluso vender sus bosques como sumideros de carbono, ignora los verdaderos impulsores de la pérdida de bosques, pero culpa a los pueblos indígenas y los pequeños agricultores de la deforestación en su lugar. A medida que el NO-REDD en África Red ha dicho, “Los informes indican que la deforestación y las emisiones relacionadas continúan, y que REDD +, en lugar de reducirlos, está dañando y vilipendiar a las comunidades dependientes de los bosques y los que producen la mayor parte de los alimentos del mundo – los pequeños agricultores “. (12)
La creencia en los mercados de carbono como panacea extiende al acuerdo de París propuesto, con propuestas sobre la inclusión del uso de la tierra y las emisiones relacionadas con la reducción de emisiones. Ya una laguna por sí mismo en la contabilidad defectuosa se acerca se propone, junto con los mecanismos de mercado, creará una nueva apropiación de la totalidad de la tierra, ya que crea un REDD + para la agricultura y los suelos.
La impermanencia de la tierra en el primer lugar, hace que sea un sumidero mucho más teórica de carbono para las emisiones en comparación con la quema continua muy real de los combustibles fósiles. Más importante aún, la lógica de la contabilidad del carbono determinar la política agrícola significa que la agricultura dará prioridad a las necesidades del mercado de carbono en lugar de alimentar a la gente y el de la soberanía alimentaria.
El Banco Mundial y otras empresas transnacionales (ETN) en la Alianza Global para el Clima Inteligente Agricultura están presionando para que este clima inteligente Agricultura – un sistema que produce más alimentos en menos tierra, sin dejar de ser resistente a la intemperie y la absorción de carbono. La producción de más alimentos en menos tierra está claramente apoyado por las corporaciones que empujan el uso de semillas transgénicas. Pero es la creación de un nuevo mercado para los suelos y la agricultura, que representa el mayor atractivo para las empresas transnacionales. Apenas cómo el incentivo monetario de REDD + desplazado los Pueblos Indígenas, las potenciales ganancias financieras desplazarán a los pequeños agricultores y añadir más a la apropiación de tierras ya existente. Como la Vía Campesina, movimiento más grande del mundo de los pequeños agricultores afirma, “agricultura climáticamente inteligente dará lugar a una mayor consolidación de la tierra, empujando a los campesinos y agricultores familiares hacia los proyectos del Banco Mundial, la Organización para la Agricultura y la Alimentación (FAO) y otras instituciones, la creación de la dependencia en la llamada nuevas tecnologías a través de sus paquetes completos que incluyen recetas de “clima variedades inteligentes”, insumos y crédito, sin tener en cuenta las técnicas de cultivo de adaptación tradicionales probados y verdaderos y la mayordomía de variedades de semillas en la práctica por los agricultores “. (13) Se continúa “La posibilidad de grandes ganancias con inversiones en créditos de carbono generados por las tierras de cultivo que participan en el clima proyectos de agricultura inteligente aumentará la especulación en el mercado de carbono, lo que lleva a una mayor” apropiación de tierras de carbono “por los inversores a gran escala y productores, y el ulterior desplazamiento de campesinos y pequeños agricultores, al igual que REDD desplaza indígenas. Bajo este clima marco agricultura inteligente, hay poca esperanza de reducir y eliminar los gases de invernadero, tratando de resolver la inseguridad alimentaria o cualquier desarrollo económico y social rural significativo. “(14)
Esta historia no tiene por qué terminar en tragedia. De hecho, está siendo desafiado valientemente, todos los días, con todas las luchas diarias que se llevan a cabo por las comunidades de primera línea, los pueblos indígenas, pequeños agricultores, mujeres, trabajadores, estudiantes, activistas y héroes y heroínas de la Madre Naturaleza. El futuro tiene que ser recuperada, el sistema cambió y las alternativas de la gente ser empujado hacia adelante.
Las propuestas de proyecto de Presidente para el acuerdo de París: el acuerdo y la decisión – necesidad de ser lleno rechazadas. El verdadero peligro de un mal acuerdo es el hecho de que nos va a bloquear en un acuerdo permanente de los negocios como de costumbre de quemar el planeta. El bombo extrema en todo el acuerdo de París que se necesita desesperadamente para “salvar al mundo” es alarmismo las personas para que acepten un desastrosamente mal negocio. Con reminiscencias de los días que hacen campaña en contra de la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) Programa de Doha para el Desarrollo, el llamado a ningún acuerdo es mejor que un mal acuerdo, suena a verdad. No hay trato París es mejor que un mal acuerdo y falso París – exactamente porque al igual que el Programa de Doha para el Desarrollo de la OMC ha bloqueado el mundo en las reglas de comercio injustas sobre la alimentación y la agricultura; será un falso Acuerdo Climático París bloquear el mundo en un régimen de laissez faire de contaminantes como siempre, los países hacer cortes cuando les da la gana, la manipulación de las lagunas de contabilidad para engañar a su manera de salir de la reducción de emisiones, y el uso y la creación de aún más los mecanismos de mercado para mercantilizar , financialize y sacar provecho de los restantes recursos del planeta. Si vamos a hacer de París de salvar el planeta, entonces debería ser de rechazar el falso acuerdo que está sobre la mesa.
La Convención del Clima original que fue adoptada en 1992 y ratificada por casi todos los países del mundo, incluyendo los EE.UU. y otros grandes contaminadores, es un acuerdo bastante genérico, pero importante. Se obliga a los países para evitar el peligroso cambio climático y se basa firmemente en el principio de responsabilidades comunes pero diferenciadas. Desde que el Protocolo de Kyoto se estableció y se presentó una gorra y régimen de comercio basado en mecanismos de contabilidad y flexibilidad cuantificados, las negociaciones sobre el clima se han trasladado a ninguna parte, pero al revés. Compromisos jurídicamente vinculantes se han convertido en promesas voluntarias, y luego en contribuciones destinadas determinados a nivel nacional. Responsabilidad común pero diferenciada se ha convertido en un régimen vaga aplicable a todas las partes, sin tener en cuenta tanto la responsabilidad histórica y la responsabilidad de los países del Anexo 1 y el hecho de que los que han hecho el menor son menos responsables. La demanda de larga data de la indemnización real para la pérdida y el daño solo se ha prestado servicio de labios con el reconocimiento de los impactos del cambio climático.
Un escenario no hay acuerdo de París en diciembre no es un desastre – es una oportunidad. Se va a crear el espacio para una recuperación a los objetivos originales de la convención sobre el clima para detener el peligroso cambio climático mediante la celebración de los contaminadores para tener en cuenta. También crearía el espacio de soluciones impulsadas por la comunidad algunas de las cuales ya se encuentran en la práctica y se están enfriando el planeta – desde la agroecología campesina y soluciones de energía sostenible basado en la comunidad para la conservación de bosques de la comunidad. Permitiría de propuestas alternativas como las políticas y medidas integrales que no se centran en la contabilidad del carbono y los mercados. Le dará espacio para medidas transformadoras que deben aplicarse para lograr los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible recientemente adoptadas, incluyendo la deforestación histórica cero meta de 2020. Hay muchas más alternativas y propuestas que se pueden dar espacio para – derechos de la naturaleza, el clima, los empleos “buen vivir”, la soberanía alimentaria, el decrecimiento, la desglobalización, y muchos más.
Un mundo sin un acuerdo de París no sólo es posible, es necesario si queremos evitar la tragedia. No hay límites a las alternativas.
* Mary Louise Malig, investigador y analista de comercio, es Coordinador de Campañas de la Coalición Mundial por los Bosques.
(14) ibid

[ENG/SPN]: Resources for COP21/Recursos para la COP21

*Spanish translation follows (by Google Translate)/Traducción español sigue (de Google Translate)

In light of the upcoming negotiations of United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), we are re-issuing the statement during Kari Oca 2012. This is a useful reference that remain valid and can be used as a resource material.
Aside from Kari Oca 2012 declaration, we are also providing you the links below as additional resource materials which were previously published by IBON International.
1. Primer on Climate Change (Date of publication: 2008) (
2. Primer on the Climate Crisis: Roots and Solutions (Date of publication: April 2010) (
3. IBON Primer on Climate Finance (Date of publication: 2012) (
4. Policy Brief on a New Climate Protocol (Date of publication: 2014) (





We, the Indigenous Peoples of Mother Earth assembled at the site of Kari-Oka I, sacred Kari- Oka Púku, Rio de Janeiro to participate in the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development Rio+20, thank the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil for welcoming us to their territories. We reaffirm our responsibility to speak for the protection and enhancement of the well-being of Mother Earth, nature and future generations of our Indigenous Peoples and all humanity and life. We recognize the significance of this second convening of Indigenous Peoples of the world and reaffirm the historic 1992 meeting of the Kari-Oca I, where Indigenous Peoples issued TheKari-Oca Declaration and the Indigenous Peoples Earth Charter. The Kari-Oca conference, and the mobilization of Indigenous Peoples around the first UN Earth Summit, marked a big step forward for an international movement for Indigenous Peoples’ rights and the important role that Indigenous Peoples play in conservation and sustainable development. We also reaffirm the Manaus Declaration on the convening of Kari-Oca 2 as the international gathering of Indigenous Peoples for Rio+20.


The institutionalization of Colonialism

We see the goals of UNCSD Rio+20, the “Green Economy” and its premise that the world can only “save” nature by commodifying its life giving and life sustaining capacities as a continuation of the colonialism that Indigenous Peoples and our Mother Earth have faced and resisted for 520 years. The “Green Economy” promises to eradicate poverty but in fact will only favor and respond to multinational enterprises and capitalism. It is a continuation of a global economy based upon fossil fuels, the destruction of the environment by exploiting nature through extractive industries such as mining, oil exploration and production, intensive mono-culture agriculture, and other capitalist investments. All of these efforts are directed toward profit and the accumulation of capital by the few.

Since Rio 1992, we as Indigenous Peoples see that colonization has become the very basis of the globalization of trade and the dominant capitalist global economy. The exploitation and plunder of the world’s ecosystems and biodiversity, as well as the violations of the inherent rights of Indigenous Peoples that depend on them, have intensified. Our rights to self determination, to our own governance and own self-determined development, our inherent rights to our lands, territories and resources are increasingly and alarmingly under attack by the collaboration of governments and transnational corporations. Indigenous activists and leaders defending their territories continue to suffer repression, militarization, including assassination, imprisonment, harassment and vilification as “terrorists.” The violation of our collective rights faces the same impunity. Forced relocation or assimilation assault our future generations, cultures, languages, spiritual ways and relationship to the earth, economically and politically.

We, Indigenous Peoples from all regions of the world have defended our Mother Earth from the aggression of unsustainable development and the overexploitation of our natural resources by mining, logging, mega-dams, exploration and extraction of petroleum. Our forests suffer from

the production of agro-fuels, bio-mass, plantations and other impositions of false solutions to climate change and unsustainable, damaging development.

The Green Economy is nothing more than capitalism of nature; a perverse attempt by corporations, extractive industries and governments to cash in on Creation by privatizing, commodifying, and selling off the Sacred and all forms of life and the sky, including the air we breathe, the water we drink and all the genes, plants, traditional seeds, trees, animals, fish, biological and cultural diversity, ecosystems and traditional knowledge that make life on Earth possible and enjoyable.

Gross violations of Indigenous Peoples’ rights to food sovereignty continue unabated thus resulting to food “insecurity”. Our own food production, the plants that we gather, the animals that we hunt, our fields and harvests, the water that we drink and water our fields, the fish that we catch from our rivers and streams, is diminishing at an alarming rate. Unsustainable development projects, such as mono-cultural chemically intensive soya plantations, extractive industries such as mining and other environmentally destructive projects and investments for profit are destroying our biodiversity, poisoning our water, our rivers, streams, and the earth and its ability to maintain life. This is further aggravated by Climate change and hydroelectric dams and other energy production that affect entire ecosystems and their ability to provide for life. Food sovereignty is one fundamental expression of our collective right to self-determination and sustainable development. Food sovereignty and the right to food must be observed and respected; food must not be a commodity to be used, traded and speculated on for profit. It nourishes our identities, our cultures and languages, and our ability to survive as Indigenous Peoples.

Mother Earth is the source of life which needs to be protected, not a resource to be exploited and commodified as a ‘natural capital.’ We have our place and our responsibilities within Creation’s sacred order. We feel the sustaining joy as things occur in harmony with the Earth and with all life that it creates and sustains. We feel the pain of disharmony when we witness the dishonor of the natural order of Creation and the continued economic colonization and degradation of Mother Earth and all life upon her. Until Indigenous Peoples rights are observed and respected, sustainable development and the eradication of poverty will not be achieved.

IPMSDL participates in KARI-OCA 2_June 2012_Rio de Janeiro Brazil

June 2012_IPMSDL Participates in the Kari-Oca II global gathering of IPs_Rio de Janeiro Brazil_Photo by Ben Powless

The Solution

This inseparable relationship between humans and the Earth, inherent to Indigenous, Peoples must be respected for the sake of our future generations and all of humanity. We urge all humanity to join with us in transforming the social structures, institutions and power relations that underpin our deprivation, oppression and exploitation. Imperialist globalization exploits all that sustains life and damages the Earth. We need to fundamentally reorient production and consumption based on human needs rather than for the boundless accumulation of profit for a few. Society must take collective control of productive resources to meet the needs of sustainable social development and avoid overproduction, overconsumption and overexploitation of people and nature which are inevitable under the prevailing monopoly capitalist system. We must focus on sustainable communities based on indigenous knowledge, not on capitalist development.

We demand that the United Nations, governments and corporations abandon false solutions to climate change, like large hydroelectric dams, genetically modified organisms including GMO

trees, plantations, agrofuels, “clean” coal, nuclear power, natural gas, hydraulic fracturing, nanotechnology, synthetic biology, bioenergy, biomass, biochar,geo-engineering, carbon markets, Clean Development Mechanism and REDD+ that endanger the future and life as we know it. Instead of helping to reduce global warming, they poison and destroy the environment and let the climate crisis spiral exponentially, which may render the planet almost uninhabitable. We cannot allow false solutions to destroy the Earth’s balance, assassinate the seasons, unleash severe weather havoc, privatize life and threaten the very survival of humanity. The Green Economy is a crime against humanity and the Earth.

In order to achieve sustainable development, states must recognize the traditional systems of resource management of the Indigenous Peoples that have existed for the millennia, sustaining us even in the face of colonialism. Assuring Indigenous Peoples’ active participation in decision making processes affecting them, and their right of Free Prior and Informed Consent is fundamental. States should likewise provide support for Indigenous Peoples appropriate to their sustainability and self determined priorities without restrictions and constricting guidelines.

Indigenous youth and women’s active participation must also be given importance as they are among the most affected by the negative impacts brought by the commodification of nature. As inheritors of Mother Earth, the youth play a vital role in continuing defending what is left of their natural resources that were valiantly fought for by their ancestors. Their actions and decisions amidst the commercialization of their resources and culture will determine the future of their younger brothers and sisters and the generations to come.

We will continue to struggle against the construction of hydroelectric dams and all other forms of energy production that affect our waters, our fish, our biodiversity and ecosystems that contribute to our food sovereignty. We will work to preserve our territories from the poison of monoculture plantations, extractive industries and other environmentally destructive projects and continue our ways of life, preserving our cultures and identities. We will work to preserve our traditional plants and seeds, and maintain the balance between our needs and the needs of our Mother Earth and her life sustaining capacity. We will demonstrate to the world that it can and must be done. In all matters we will gather and organize the solidarity of all Indigenous Peoples from all parts of the world, and all other sources of solidarity with non-indigenous of good will to join our struggle for food sovereignty and food security. We reject the privatization and corporate control of resources such as our traditional seeds and food. Finally, we demand the states to uphold our rights to the control of our traditional management systems and by providing concrete support such as appropriate technologies for us to develop our food sovereignty.

We reject the false promises of sustainable development and solutions to climate change that only serve the dominant economic order. We reject REDD, REDD+ and other market-based solutions that focus on our forests, to continue the violation of our inherent rights to self determination and right to our lands, territories, waters, and natural resources, and the Earth’s right to create and sustain life. There is no such thing as “sustainable mining.” There is no such thing as “ethical oil.”

We reject the assertion of intellectual property rights over the genetic resources and traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples which results in the alienation and commodification of Sacred essential to our lives and cultures. We reject industrial modes of food production that promote

the use of chemical substances, genetically engineered seeds and organisms. Therefore, we affirm our right to possess, control, protect and pass on the indigenous seeds, medicinal plants and traditional knowledge originating from our lands and territories for the benefit of our future generations.

The Future We Want

In the absence of a true implementation of sustainable development, the world is now in a multiple ecological, economic and climatic crisis; including biodiversity loss, desertification, de- glaciation, food, water, energy shortage, a worsening global economic recession, social instability and crisis of values. In this sense, we recognize that much remains to be done by international agreements to respond adequately to the rights and needs of Indigenous Peoples. The actual contributions and potentials of our peoples must be recognized by a true sustainable development for our communities that allows each one of us to Live Well.

As peoples, we reaffirm our rights to self-determination and to own, control and manage our traditional lands and territories, waters and other resources. Our lands and territories are at the core of our existence – we are the land and the land is us; we have a distinct spiritual and material relationship with our lands and territories and they are inextricably linked to our survival and to the preservation and further development of our knowledge systems and cultures, conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and ecosystem management.

We will exercise the right to determine and establish priorities and strategies for our self- development and for the use of our lands, territories and other resources. We demand that free, prior and informed consent must be the determinant and legally binding principle of approving or rejecting any plan, project or activity affecting our lands, territories and other resources. Without the right of Free Prior and Informed Consent, the colonialist model of the domination of the Earth and its resources will continue with the same impunity.

We will continue to unite as Indigenous Peoples and build a strong solidarity and partnership among ourselves, local communities and non-indigenous genuine advocates of our issues. This solidarity will advance the global campaign for Indigenous Peoples rights to land, life and resources and in the achievement of ourself-determination and liberation.

We will continue to challenge and resist colonialist and capitalist development models that promote the domination of nature, incessant economic growth, limitless profit-seeking resource extraction, unsustainable consumption and production and the unregulated commodities and financial markets. Humans are an integral part of the natural world and all human rights, including Indigenous Peoples’ rights, which must be respected and observed by development.

We invite all of civil society to protect and promote our rights and worldviews and respect natural law, our spiritualities and cultures and our values of reciprocity, harmony with nature, solidarity, and collectivity. Caring and sharing, among other values, are crucial in bringing about a more just, equitable and sustainable world. In this context, we call for the inclusion of culture as the fourth pillar of sustainable development.

The legal recognition and protection of the rights of Indigenous Peoples to land, territories, resources and traditional knowledge should be a prerequisite for development and planning for any and all types of adaptation and mitigation to climate change, environmental conservation (including the creation of “protected areas”), the sustainable use of biodiversity and measures to combat desertification. In all instances there must be free, prior and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples.

We continue to pursue the commitments made at Earth Summit as reflected in this political declaration. We call on the UN to begin their implementation, and to ensure the full, formal and effective participation of Indigenous Peoples in all processes and activities of the Rio+20 Conference and beyond, in accordance with the United Nations Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). We continue to inhabit and maintain the last remaining sustainable ecosystems and biodiversity hotspots in the world. We can contribute substantially to sustainable development but we believe that a holistic ecosystem framework for sustainable development should be promoted. This includes the integration of the human-rights based approach, ecosystem approach and culturally- sensitive and knowledge-based approaches.

We declare our solidarity and support for the demands and aspirations of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil found in the Annex to this Declaration.

We Walk in the Footsteps of our Ancestors.

Accepted by Acclamation, Kari-Oka Village, at Sacred Kari-Oka Púku, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 17 June 2012.


A la luz de las próximas negociaciones de la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC), estamos re-emitir la declaración durante Kari Oca 2012. Esta es una referencia útil que siguen siendo válidas y se puede utilizar como material de recursos.

Aparte de Kari Oca declaración de 2012, también están proporcionando los enlaces siguientes recursos materiales como adicionales que fueron publicados previamente por IBON International.
1. Estudio sobre el Cambio Climático (Fecha de publicación: 2008) (
2. Estudio sobre la crisis climática: Raíces y Soluciones (Fecha de publicación: abril de 2010) (
3. IBON Estudio sobre Financiamiento Climático (Fecha de publicación: 2012) (
4. Policy Brief en un Protocolo Climático Nuevo (Fecha de publicación: 2014) (





Nosotros, los Pueblos Indígenas de la Madre Tierra reunidos en el lugar de Kari-Oka I, sagrada Kari- Oka Puku, Río de Janeiro para participar en la Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre Desarrollo Sostenible Río + 20, gracias a los Pueblos Indígenas de Brasil por darnos la bienvenida a sus territorios. Reafirmamos nuestra responsabilidad de hablar en nombre de la protección y el mejoramiento del bienestar de la madre tierra, la naturaleza y las futuras generaciones de nuestros Pueblos Indígenas y toda la humanidad y la vida. Reconocemos la importancia de esta segunda convocatoria de los Pueblos Indígenas del mundo y reafirmamos la histórica reunión de la Kari-Oca I, donde los pueblos indígenas emitieron TheKari-Oca Declaración y la Carta de la Tierra los Pueblos Indígenas 1992. La conferencia de Kari-Oca, y la movilización de los pueblos indígenas alrededor de la primera Cumbre de la Tierra de la ONU, marcó un gran paso adelante para un movimiento internacional por los derechos de los pueblos indígenas y el importante papel que juegan los pueblos indígenas en la conservación y el desarrollo sostenible. También reafirmamos la Declaración de Manaos sobre la convocatoria de Kari-Oca 2 como el encuentro internacional de los Pueblos Indígenas de Río + 20.

La institucionalización del Colonialismo


Vemos a los objetivos de la CNUDS Río + 20, la “economía verde” y su premisa de que el mundo sólo puede “salvar” a la naturaleza por mercantilizar sus capacidades vida dando y mantenimiento de la vida como una continuación del colonialismo que los pueblos indígenas y nuestra Madre Tierra tienen enfrentado y resistido durante 520 años. La “economía verde” promete erradicar la pobreza, pero en realidad sólo favorecerá y responder a las empresas multinacionales y el capitalismo. Es una continuación de una economía global basada en los combustibles fósiles, la destrucción del medio ambiente mediante la explotación de la naturaleza a través de las industrias extractivas, como la minería, la exploración y producción de petróleo, la agricultura intensiva mono-cultura, y otras inversiones capitalistas. Todos estos esfuerzos se dirigen hacia la ganancia y la acumulación de capital por unos pocos.

Desde Río de 1992, nosotros como pueblos indígenas vemos que la colonización se ha convertido en la base misma de la globalización del comercio y la economía mundial capitalista dominante. La explotación y el saqueo de los ecosistemas y la biodiversidad del mundo, así como las violaciónes de los derechos inherentes de los pueblos indígenas que dependen de ellos, se han intensificado. Nuestros derechos a la autodeterminación, a nuestro propio gobierno y el desarrollo autodeterminado propia, nuestros derechos inherentes a nuestras tierras, territorios y recursos son cada vez más y alarmantemente bajo el ataque de la colaboración de los gobiernos y las empresas transnacionales. Activistas y líderes que defienden sus territorios indígenas siguen sufriendo la represión, la militarización, incluyendo asesinato, el encarcelamiento, el acoso y la difamación como “terroristas”. La violación de nuestros derechos colectivos frente a la misma impunidad. Reubicación forzada o asalto asimilación nuestras futuras generaciones, culturas, lenguas, formas espirituales y la relación con la tierra, económica y políticamente.

Nosotros, los pueblos indígenas de todas las regiones del mundo hemos defendido nuestra Madre Tierra de la agresión de desarrollo insostenible y la sobreexplotación de los recursos naturales por la minería, la tala, la mega-represas, exploración y extracción de petróleo. Nuestros bosques sufren de la producción de agrocombustibles, biomasa, plantaciones y otras imposiciones de las falsas soluciones al cambio climático y no sostenible, el desarrollo dañar.

La economía verde no es más que el capitalismo de la naturaleza; un intento perverso de las corporaciones, industrias extractivas y los gobiernos para sacar provecho de la creación mediante la privatización, mercantilización y la venta de lo Sagrado y todas las formas de vida y el cielo, incluyendo el aire que respiramos, el agua que bebemos y todos los genes, las plantas , las semillas tradicionales, los árboles, los animales, los peces, la diversidad biológica y cultural, los ecosistemas y los conocimientos tradicionales que hacen vida en la Tierra es posible y agradable.

Violaciónes graves de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas a la soberanía alimentaria continúan sin cesar lo que da a la alimentación “inseguridad”. Nuestra propia producción de alimentos, las plantas que nos reunimos, los animales que cazamos, nuestros campos y cosechas, el agua que bebemos y el agua a nuestros campos, los peces que capturamos de nuestros ríos y arroyos, está disminuyendo a un ritmo alarmante. Proyectos de desarrollo no sostenibles, como las plantaciones de soja intensiva químicamente monoculturales, industrias extractivas como otros proyectos ambientalmente destructivos e inversiones con fines de lucro minería y están destruyendo nuestra biodiversidad, envenenando nuestra agua, nuestros ríos, arroyos, y la tierra y su capacidad para mantener vida. Esto se agrava aún más por el cambio climático y las presas hidroeléctricas y otra producción de energía que afectan a ecosistemas enteros y su capacidad para proporcionar de por vida. La soberanía alimentaria es una expresión fundamental de nuestro derecho colectivo a la libre determinación y el desarrollo sostenible. La soberanía alimentaria y el derecho a la alimentación deben ser observados y respetados; la comida no debe ser una mercancía que se utilizará, negocian y especula con fines de lucro. Nutre nuestras identidades, nuestras culturas e idiomas, y nuestra capacidad para sobrevivir como pueblos indígenas.

La Madre Tierra es la fuente de vida que necesita ser protegida, no un recurso a ser explotado y mercantilizado como un “capital natural”. Tenemos nuestro lugar y nuestras responsabilidades en orden sagrado de la Creación. Sentimos la alegría sostener que las cosas ocurren en armonía con la Tierra y con toda la vida que crea y sostiene. Sentimos el dolor de la falta de armonía cuando somos testigos de la deshonra del orden natural de la Creación y de la colonización económica continuada y la degradación de la Madre Tierra y toda la vida sobre ella. Hasta que se observan y respetan los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, no se logrará el desarrollo sostenible y la erradicación de la pobreza.


La solucion


Esta relación inseparable entre los seres humanos y la Tierra, inherentes al indígena, los pueblos debe ser respetada por el bien de las generaciones futuras y toda la humanidad. Instamos a toda la humanidad a unirse a nosotros en la transformación de lo social las estructuras, las instituciones y las relaciones de poder que sustentan nuestra privación, la opresión y la explotación. La globalización imperialista explota todo lo que sostiene la vida y daña la Tierra. Tenemos que reorientar radicalmente la producción y el consumo sobre la base de las necesidades humanas y no para la acumulación ilimitada de ganancias para unos pocos. La sociedad debe tomar el control colectivo de los recursos productivos para satisfacer las necesidades de un desarrollo social sostenible y evitar el exceso de producción, el consumo excesivo y la sobreexplotación de los pueblos y la naturaleza que son inevitables bajo el sistema capitalista monopolista predominante. Tenemos que centrarnos en comunidades sostenibles sobre la base de los conocimientos indígenas, y no en el desarrollo capitalista.

Exigimos que las Naciones Unidas, los gobiernos y las empresas abandonen las falsas soluciones al cambio climático, al igual que las grandes represas hidroeléctricas, los organismos genéticamente modificados, incluyendo árboles OGM, plantaciones, agrocombustibles, el carbón “limpio”, la energía nuclear, gas natural, la fracturación hidráulica, la nanotecnología, sintética la biología, la bioenergía, la biomasa, el biochar, la geoingeniería, los mercados de carbono, Mecanismo de Desarrollo Limpio y REDD + que ponen en peligro el futuro y la vida tal como la conocemos. En lugar de ayudar a reducir el calentamiento global, que envenenan y destruyen el medio ambiente y permiten la espiral crisis climática exponencialmente, lo que puede hacer que el planeta prácticamente inhabitable. No podemos permitir que las falsas soluciones para destruir el equilibrio de la Tierra, asesinar a las estaciones, desencadenar graves estragos del tiempo, la privatización de la vida y amenazan la supervivencia misma de la humanidad. La economía verde es un crimen contra la humanidad y la Tierra.

Con el fin de lograr el desarrollo sostenible, los Estados deben reconocer los sistemas tradicionales de gestión de los recursos de los pueblos indígenas que han existido durante los milenios, sosteniéndonos incluso en la cara del colonialismo. Asegurar la participación de los Pueblos Indígenas activa en los procesos de toma de decisiones que les afectan, y su derecho de consentimiento libre, previo e informado es fundamental. Los Estados deberán proporcionar asimismo el apoyo a los pueblos indígenas, adecuado a su sostenibilidad y las prioridades auto determinado sin restricciones y directrices restrictivas.

Los jóvenes indígenas y la participación activa de las mujeres también se debe dar importancia, ya que se encuentran entre los más afectados por los impactos negativos traídos por la mercantilización de la naturaleza. Como herederos de la Madre Tierra, los jóvenes desempeñan un papel vital en la continuación de la defensa de lo que queda de sus recursos naturales que fueron valientemente lucharon por sus antepasados. Sus acciones y decisiones en medio de la comercialización de sus recursos y la cultura determinarán el futuro de sus hermanos y hermanas más jóvenes y las generaciones por venir.

Vamos a seguir luchando contra la construcción de represas hidroeléctricas y el resto de las formas de producción de energía que afectan a nuestras aguas, nuestros peces, nuestra biodiversidad y los ecosistemas que contribuyen a nuestra soberanía alimentaria. Vamos a trabajar para preservar nuestros territorios por el veneno de las plantaciones de monocultivos, las industrias extractivas y otros proyectos ambientalmente destructivos y continuar nuestras formas de vida, la preservación de nuestras culturas e identidades. Vamos a trabajar para preservar nuestras plantas y semillas tradicionales, y mantener el equilibrio entre nuestras necesidades y las necesidades de nuestra Madre Tierra y su capacidad de sostener la vida. Vamos a demostrar al mundo que puede y debe hacerse. En todos los asuntos que vamos a reunir y organizar la solidaridad de todos los pueblos indígenas de todas partes del mundo, y todas las otras fuentes de solidaridad con los no indígenas de buena voluntad a unirse a nuestra lucha por la soberanía alimentaria y la seguridad alimentaria. Rechazamos la privatización y el control corporativo de los recursos tales como nuestras semillas y alimentos tradicionales. Por último, exigimos a los Estados a respetar nuestros derechos al control de nuestros sistemas de gestión tradicionales y ofreciendo apoyo concreto como las tecnologías apropiadas para que desarrollemos nuestra soberanía alimentaria.

Rechazamos las falsas promesas de desarrollo sostenible y soluciones al cambio climático que sólo sirven el orden económico dominante. Rechazamos REDD, REDD + y otras soluciones basadas en el mercado que se centran en nuestros bosques, para continuar con la violación de nuestros derechos inherentes a la libre determinación y el derecho a nuestras tierras, territorios, aguas y recursos naturales, y el derecho de la Tierra para crear y sostener vida. No hay tal cosa como “minería sostenible.” No hay tal cosa como “aceite de ética.”

Rechazamos la afirmación de los derechos de propiedad intelectual sobre los recursos genéticos y los conocimientos tradicionales de los pueblos indígenas que se traduce en la alienación y la mercantilización de la Sagrada esencial para nuestras vidas y culturas. Rechazamos modos industriales de producción de alimentos que promueven el uso de sustancias químicas, las semillas y los organismos genéticamente modificados. Por lo tanto, afirmamos nuestro derecho a poseer, controlar, proteger y transmitir las semillas indígenas, plantas medicinales y conocimientos tradicionales originarios de nuestras tierras y territorios en beneficio de las generaciones futuras.

El futuro que queremos


En ausencia de una verdadera puesta en práctica del desarrollo sostenible, el mundo está ahora en una crisis ecológica, económica y climática múltiple; incluyendo la pérdida de biodiversidad, la desertificación, la glaciación de-, alimentos, agua, escasez de energía, una recesión económica global empeora, la inestabilidad social y la crisis de valores. En este sentido, reconocemos que aún queda mucho por hacer por los acuerdos internacionales para responder adecuadamente a los derechos y necesidades de los pueblos indígenas. Las contribuciones reales y potenciales de nuestros pueblos deben ser reconocidos por un verdadero desarrollo sostenible para nuestras comunidades que permite que cada uno de nosotros para vivir bien.

Como pueblos, reafirmamos nuestro derecho a la libre determinación ya poseer, controlar y manejar nuestras tierras tradicionales y territorios, aguas y otros recursos. Nuestras tierras y territorios son la base de nuestra existencia – somos la tierra y la tierra es nosotros; tenemos una relación espiritual y material con nuestras tierras y territorios y están indisolublemente ligados a nuestra supervivencia y para la preservación y el desarrollo de nuestros sistemas de conocimientos y culturas, la conservación y el uso sostenible de la biodiversidad y la gestión de los ecosistemas.

Vamos a ejercer el derecho a decidir y establecer prioridades y estrategias para nuestro desarrollo personal y para el uso de nuestras tierras, territorios y otros recursos. Exigimos que el consentimiento libre, previo e informado debe ser el determinante y el principio jurídicamente vinculante de aprobar o rechazar cualquier plan, proyecto o actividad que afecte nuestras tierras, territorios y otros recursos. Sin el derecho de Consentimiento Previo e Informado, el modelo colonial de la dominación de la Tierra y sus recursos continuará con la misma impunidad.

Vamos a seguir para unirnos como pueblos indígenas y construir una fuerte solidaridad y colaboración entre nosotros, las comunidades locales y los defensores genuinos no indígenas de nuestros problemas. Esta solidaridad avanzará la campaña mundial por los derechos de los pueblos indígenas a la tierra, la vida y los recursos y en la consecución de los mismos determinación y la liberación.

Vamos a seguir para desafiar y resistir a los modelos de desarrollo colonialistas y capitalistas que promueven la dominación de la naturaleza, incesante crecimiento económico, la extracción de recursos con fines de lucro sin límites, el consumo no sostenible y la producción y los productos no regulados y los mercados financieros. Los seres humanos son una parte integral del mundo natural y de todos los derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, que deben ser respetados y observados por el desarrollo.

Invitamos a toda la sociedad civil para proteger y promover nuestros derechos y visiones del mundo y respetar la ley natural, nuestras espiritualidades y culturas y nuestros valores de reciprocidad, armonía con la naturaleza, la solidaridad y la colectividad. El cuidado y el compartir, entre otros valores, son cruciales en el logro de un mundo más justo, equitativo y sostenible. En este contexto, hacemos un llamado a la inclusión de la cultura como el cuarto pilar del desarrollo sostenible.

El reconocimiento legal y protección de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas a la tierra, territorios, recursos y conocimientos tradicionales deberían ser un requisito previo para el desarrollo y la planificación de cualquier y todo tipo de adaptación y mitigación al cambio climático, la conservación del medio ambiente (incluida la creación de “protegido zonas “), el uso sostenible de la biodiversidad y las medidas de lucha contra la desertificación. En todos los casos debe haber consentimiento libre, previo e informado de los Pueblos Indígenas.

Seguimos buscando los compromisos asumidos en la Cumbre de la Tierra como se refleja en esta declaración política. Hacemos un llamamiento a la ONU para comenzar su aplicación, y para garantizar la participación plena, formal y efectiva de los Pueblos Indígenas en todos los procesos y actividades de la Conferencia Río + 20 y más allá, de acuerdo con la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas (DNUDPI) y el principio del consentimiento libre, previo e informado (CLPI). Seguimos a habitar y mantener los últimos ecosistemas sostenibles restante y puntos críticos de biodiversidad en el mundo. Podemos contribuir sustancialmente al desarrollo sostenible pero creemos que se debe promover un marco ecosistema integral para el desarrollo sostenible. Esto incluye la integración de los derechos humanos enfoque basado, enfoque por ecosistemas y enfoques sensibles y basadas en el conocimiento culturalmente.

Declaramos nuestra solidaridad y apoyo a las demandas y aspiraciones de los pueblos indígenas de Brasil se encuentran en el anexo de la presente Declaración.

Caminamos tras las huellas de nuestros antepasados.

Aceptado por aclamación, Kari-Oka Village, en el Sagrado Kari-Oka Puku, Río de Janeiro, Brasil, 17 June 2012.